美國正式與公開地提升了美日同盟，並以同意日本行使「集體自衛權」的方式，讓日本能與美國一起保衛台灣、南韓與菲律賓等國 (上)

美國正式與公開地提升了美日同盟，並以同意日本行使「集體自衛權」的方式，讓日本能與美國一起保衛台灣、南韓與菲律賓等國 (上)

一

台灣建州運動在安倍晉三再度成為日本首相之後，就一直在密切觀察日本內部有關修憲議題的辯論與發展，因為建州運動一直樂見戰敗的日本能蛻變或演進成「正常國家」，希望日本與美國成為平等的盟國，更希望日本能在戰勝的美國的同意下，將麥克阿瑟將軍頒給的、將日本閹割的、現在已不合時宜的「和平憲法」的若干條款加以廢除或修改，讓日本擁有「集體防衛權」，以便讓日本國防軍能在中國這個邪惡帝國竄起與猖狂的年代，保衛民主與自由世界，也能在新的美日同盟體制下，與美軍及其他盟軍在全世界並肩作戰，特別是在有危害日本的安全的「周邊事態」發生時。

日本若在美國的同意下，成功地進行修憲或憲法再解釋，會對台灣與台灣人的安全的維護帶來立即而明顯的幫助。

多年來，台灣建州運動一直關切「美國是否忠實履行它在『台灣關係法』之下保衛台灣的義務」以及「美日同盟是否能在防衛與作戰上將台灣含蓋在內的體制建構完成」一事。

現在，「美日同盟在防衛與作戰上將台灣含蓋在內的體制(包括憲法、法律、戰略與作戰層次)建構完成」這件事的成功已指日可待，所以建州派感到十分快慰，也許再過兩、三年，我們台灣人與台美人就可以開香檳慶祝。


二

到底什麼是「集體防衛權」? 我們來讀「華爾街日報」的一篇社論，就會有一些概念。

“A 'Collective' U.S.-Japan Defense”
Tokyo steps into Asia's security breach to counter rising China.

The Wall Street Journal

Feb. 5, 2014 10:20 a.m. ET

U.S. and Chinese officials continue to spar over China's recent declaration of a huge new air-defense zone, which makes even more important Shinzo Abe's move to reinterpret the Japanese constitution and end a 67-year ban on collective self-defense. The Japanese Prime Minister has said he'll follow the recommendations of a government panel due to report in April, and last week the panel signaled it will recommend a new gloss on the pacifist constitution written by Gen. Douglas MacArthur's aides after World War II.

So what is collective self-defense and why does it matter? Under the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, American forces are supposed to aid Japan if it is attacked. But the obligation doesn't go the other way. Because of the way the constitution's Article 9 is interpreted now, Japanese forces could do nothing to help the U.S. if it were under attack. That's especially relevant given North Korea's nuclear and missile programs. If a nuclear-tipped missile flew over Japan toward the U.S., Japan's warships equipped with missile interceptors would have to let it pass. [根據美日安保條約，若日本遭到攻擊，美軍應該加以防衛，但若美國遭受攻擊，日軍卻無法協助美國。例如， 

 北韓發射越過日本而攻擊美國的核子飛彈，裝備攔截武器系統的日本船艦卻不能加以攔截，這是日本憲法第九條的解釋。]

The two countries are now revising their bilateral defense guidelines, and past revisions have expanded Japan's role in support of U.S. operations in a regional crisis. However, these are make-shift arrangements, and the U.S. has in the past urged Japan to move toward collective self-defense to end these difficulties.

The principle that democracies should band together to face the threat of dictatorships is a linchpin of the post-World War II world order. In Europe, the NATO was founded on this idea to deter the Soviet Union. In Asia, by contrast, the U.S. was able to keep the peace and contain the spread of communism through bilateral treaties and coalitions of the willing. Until now. The rise of China is putting stress on this Pax Americana, as the Obama Administration's "pivot" implicitly acknowledges. Washington now needs its allies to work cooperatively, not merely as spokes on a security wheel. [民主政體必須團結合作，以對抗獨裁政體的威脅，是終戰後的世界秩序的關鍵要點。現在中國的竄起正在給「大美和平」(Pax Americana) 帶來壓力，歐巴馬行政團隊「轉向東亞」的戰略就是對這種情勢的默認。華盛頓現在需要它的東亞盟邦一起合作，而不只是個別與美國在安全議題上合作。]

Asia lacks an equivalent of the France-Germany entente at the heart of Europe, around which economic and security organizations can grow. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations is the closest Asia has now, but Asean is ineffectual at the best of times. A coalition of democracies could be a more effective counterweight to China's encroaching militarism.[東亞民主政體的聯合會是比較有效對抗中國的黷武主義的反制力量。]

That is still some way off, but in the meantime Japan can fill the breach if it can navigate the tricky politics. The majority of the Japanese public is against collective self-defense, and Mr. Abe's Liberal Democratic Party governs in coalition with the pacifist New Komeito Party. While Mr. Abe probably can get the votes, New Komeito might then leave the government. One possible scenario is a reorganization of Japan's parties in which right-of-center elements in the opposition come over to the LDP.

A new constitutional interpretation wouldn't entirely remove the post-war limits on Japan's armed forces, and Mr. Abe also wants to pursue an amendment. While Beijing will kick up a fuss, China's leaders might consider that their own actions opened the door. If they keep trying to change the status quo by force in the disputed Senkaku Islands and the South China Sea, Mr. Abe or his successor may cut Article 9 altogether.

Mr. Abe deserves praise for trying to make Japan into a normal nation that can play a leadership role in Asia. Tokyo has contributed to peace and made amends for past behavior over the last seven decades. It's time Japan carries its weight keeping its neighborhood safe for democracy.

(待續)

台灣建州運動發起人周威霖
David C. Chou
Founder, Formosa Statehood Movement
(an organization devoted in current stage to making Taiwan a territorial commonwealth of the United States)