關於
The Formosa Statehood Movement was founded by David C. Chou in 1994. It advocates Taiwan become a territory of the United States, leading to statehood.
簡介
[台灣建州運動]在1994年被周威霖與他的同志們在台灣建立, 這個運動主張[台灣人民在美國政府所認為的適當時機, 透過自決與公投, 加入美國], 第一個階段先讓台灣成為美國的領地, 第二階段再經一次公投成為美國一州.

[台灣成為美國的領地]是台灣前途解決的[中程解決方案], 在台灣成為美國領地之後, 經過一段時間, 台灣領地人民再來進行第二次的公投, 那時公投的選項當然可以包括[台灣成為美國一州].[台灣獨立建國].[台灣繼續做為美國的領地]及其它的方案.

[台灣建州運動]現階段極力主張與強力推動[台灣成為美國的領地], 這應該是 [反國民黨統治當局及中國聯手偷竊台灣主權] 的所有台灣住民目前最好的選擇.

在[舊金山和約]中被日本拋棄的台灣主權至今仍在美國政府的政治監護之中, [台灣建州運動]決心與台灣住民. 台美人.美國政府及美國人民一起捍衛台灣主權, 並呼籲台灣住民將台灣主權正式交給美利堅合眾國, 以維護並促進台灣人民與美國的共同利益.

2015年6月13日 星期六

「紐約時報」有一篇報導,使用”From Tibet to Taiwan, China’s Outer Regions-----“這種可能會引起不知情的讀者誤以為「台灣是中國的一部分」的標題

「紐約時報」有一篇報導,使用”From Tibet to Taiwan, China’s Outer Regions-----“這種可能會引起不知情的讀者誤以為「台灣是中國的一部分」的標題



在香港青年學生與市民的「佔中戰役」啟動後,在台灣的洪銘媛小姐(洪姐)就對台灣政客的發言、學者的評論、媒體的報導經常把台灣與香港、圖博及東土耳其斯坦相提並論的現象感到十分不舒適與不安,她因此建議並催促我撰寫與發表一篇文章,來表達台灣建州運動對此事件與議題的立場與觀點。

建州運動因此在9/29/2014發表了「向啟動與參加香港民主運動的『佔中戰役』的勇敢香港學生與市民致敬」一文,我們採用了洪姐的觀點與見解,她的見解與觀點因而成為建州運動的立場與觀點,我們說:

//台灣建州運動對香港勇敢的熱血青年所帶領與參與的民主運動一直密切地觀察,並加以關注 ,我們要表達與給予我們對廣大的香港青年、學生與市民的行動的讚揚與道義支持。//

//我們這樣做,不是因為香港與台灣有什麼「唇亡齒寒」的關係,也不是因為有「今日的香港就是明日的台灣」這種說法。台灣與香港、圖博及東土耳其斯坦不同 ,台灣的主權不屬於中國,台灣也從來不受中華人民共和國的佔領與統治,台灣人只要能得到美國的保護,台灣人只要與美國聯手,有能力防止老K及「在台中國人」偷竊台灣的主權,有能力防止老K及 「在台中國人」把台灣出賣給中國,有能力防止老共來搶奪台灣的主權,就可以了。//

//但台灣人不能獨善其身,不能讓香港民主運動人士孤軍奮戰 ,我們要站在道德的高地,我們要基於我們信持超國界的自由、民主、人權、法治這些普世價值,來聲援與支持香港民主派與民主運動。[所謂「超國界」,意指它不是純屬一國之內政,若他國的政府或人民去介入,不得被指控為干涉內政。]//




數日後,在洛杉磯發行的「台灣時報」有如下的一篇報導:

「包道格:占中效應,台港不宜比較」
洛杉磯台灣時報
10/3/2014

//---卡內基國際和平基金會副會長包道格今天表示,台灣與香港情況不同,比較兩者的選舉與抗爭,就像比較蘋果和橘子;把台灣與香港議題混為一談,只會將「占中」局勢複雜化

(中央社記者廖漢原華盛頓2日專電)卡內基國際和平基金會副會長包道格今天表示,台灣與香港情況不同,比較兩者的選舉與抗爭,就像比較蘋果和橘子;把台灣與香港議題混為一談,只會將「占中」局勢複雜化。

包道格(Douglas Paal)接受中央社記者訪問時指出,整體來說,台灣與香港年輕世代抗爭有些類似之處,經濟繁榮地區的青年都面臨冷戰後全球化,機會大幅減少,香港與台灣青年都見到出路大不如前,因此對政治感到不滿。

他說,台灣青年認為服貿協議威脅未來的機會,香港青年則看到大陸民眾與影響湧入,造成房價飛漲,貧富差異加劇,雙方都見到中國大陸帶來的擁擠現象和某些醜陋面,不希望是中國的一部分。

隨著「占中」局勢演變,台港兩地青年互動,出現「今日香港、明日台灣」等說法;包道格分析,台灣情況確實和香港不同,比較兩者的選舉與抗爭,就像把蘋果和橘子放在一起,兩者不是可相比配的,也無助於解決問題,但兩地青年的情緒可以理解。

包道格指出,台灣過去就有大規模示威,例如洪仲丘事件、太陽花學運等,相當習慣大型和平抗爭。

由現實面來看,包道格表示,人們不需要喜歡北京領導階層,但應盡量瞭解他們在想什麼;理性來看,把台灣與香港議題混為一談,無法使得問題容易些,只會更複雜、更困難。// 





「台灣時報」這篇報導 ,稿源來自被中國國民黨控制的台北的「中央社」。「中央社」 派駐華府的記者廖漢原採訪了與國民黨及國民黨治理當局素來較為友善的包道格(Ambassador Douglas Paal)。與當年的AIT理事主席夏馨(Ambassador Therese Shaheen)完全相反,包道格在擔任AIT台北辦事處主任的期間,與民進黨治理當局及台派人士的關係十分緊張與不投契,這是一段非常令人遺憾的往事。包道格甚至在2008年台灣的大選中,在台北公開支持搞「傾中、疏美、仇日、賣台」、「化獨漸統」、「終極被統」的馬英九競選連任。

由於包道格的談話內容並不見英文原文 ,也不在美國的任何英文刊物上出現,所以我們只能從「中央社」的報導去了解,不過,由於該則報導十分簡短,我們無法從中知道包道格談話的真正動機與旨意,僅能從表面上去粗淺地了解。

建州運動真正要表達的立場是: 就台灣的主權歸屬與台灣前途的解決議題而言,台灣與中國毫不相干,我們反對任何國家、政權或政黨硬要把台灣與中國扯在一起 ,也反對它們將台灣與香港、圖博、東土耳其斯坦相提並論。

包道格談話的動機與旨意是否與建州運動相同,很遺憾,我們找不到任何資料來做結論或判斷。若是相同,那我們就得很感謝他了。




「紐約時報」派駐北京的記者Andrew Jacobs就香港問題,今天在該報刊登一篇篇幅不算短的分析與報導:



“From Tibet to Taiwan, China’s Outer Regions Watches Hong Kong Protests Intently”(從圖博到台灣,中國的Outer Regions密切地觀察香港的抗議)
By ANDREW JACOBS
The New York Times
OCT. 6, 2014

BEIJING — As hundreds of protesters continue to occupy the streets of Hong Kong, challenging China’s Communist Party leaders with calls for greater democracy, much of the world anxiously awaits signs of how Beijing will react to their demands.

But the anticipation is perhaps most keenly felt along the periphery of China’s far-flung territory, both inside the country and beyond, where the Chinese government’s authoritarian ways have been most apparent.

Among Tibetans and Uighurs, beleaguered ethnic minorities in China’s far west, there is hope that the protests will draw international scrutiny to what they say are Beijing’s broken promises for greater autonomy.The central government’s refusal to even talk with pro-democracy advocates in Hong Kong, exiled activists add, also highlights a longstanding complaint among many ethnic minority groups in China: the party’s reliance on force over dialogue when dealing with politically delicate matters.

“We’ve seen this movie before, but when people stand up to the Chinese government in places like Lhasa or Urumqi and meet brutal resistance, there is no foreign media to show the world what’s happening,” said Nury Turkel, a Uighur-American lawyer and activist, referring to the regional capitals of Tibet and Xinjiang. “The difference here is what’s happening in Hong Kong is taking place in real time, for all the world to see.”

Few places are watching the protests as closely as Taiwan, the self-governed island that China claims as part of its territory. Beijing’s refusal to grant Hong Kong the unfettered elections that were promised when the former British colony was returned to Chinese sovereignty in 1997 — a move that prompted the protests — has sharpened opposition to President Ma Ying-jeou of Taiwan and his efforts to forge closer economic ties with the mainland.

The concept of “one country, two systems,” the political arrangement that has given Hong Kong a raft of liberties unknown on the mainland, was first envisioned as a framework for forging reunification between Taiwan and China. Although relations have improved in recent years, the two sides have never signed a peace accord, and Beijing maintains the option of taking Taiwan by force.

“As we closely follow events in Hong Kong, we have this feeling that in the not-so-distant future, we could very well end up like Hong Kong,” said Titus Chen, a professor at National Sun Yat-sen University in Taiwan, noting what he and others describe as China’s growing influence on the island. “Today it’s Hong Kong; tomorrow it might be Taiwan.”

No matter how the impasse is resolved, the struggle unfolding in Hong Kong is already a public-relations nightmare for Beijing. Outside China, the scenes of peaceful student protesters sprayed with tear gas and bloodied by thugshave elicited unwelcome comparisons to the 1989 pro-democracydemonstrations in Tiananmen Square, which ended in violence when the Chinese military moved to crush the protests, earning Beijing years of international opprobrium.

The drama in Hong Kong, playing out in real time on social media and beamed across the world by the international news media, also threatens to complicate Beijing’s ambitious efforts to burnish its image abroad.

In recent days, rallies in Singapore, Seoul, Manila and elsewhere have drawn thousands of people expressing solidarity with the demonstrators in Hong Kong.

John Delury, a professor of East Asian studies at Yonsei University in South Korea, said his students, many of them from across Asia, have been riveted by the events in Hong Kong.

“I think the impact on young people across Asia could be much bigger than what Beijing anticipates,” he said, noting Hong Kong’s role as regional purveyor of popular culture and a center for international finance. “From a soft-power perspective, if anything remotely like what happened in 1989 occurs in Hong Kong, China can kiss its soft power goodbye for a couple of decades.”

The political tumult in Hong Kong has become a headache for Beijing at a time when party leaders are grappling with a host of challenges, from a slowing economy to diplomatic skirmishes with neighbors like Japan,Vietnam and the Philippines. Then there is mounting unrest in Xinjiang, in China’s far northwest, as well as the simmering discontent in Tibetan areas that has prompted more than 130 people to set themselves on fire to protest government policies.

Advocates for Tibetans and Uighurs have been especially active on social media, drawing parallels between Hong Kong and the autonomous regions that Beijing established for the nation’s largest ethnic minorities more than six decades ago.

“What we have in common with the people in Hong Kong is that we are all fighting for freedom and justice against an authoritarian regime that has broken its promises again and again,” Tenzin Jigdal, a Tibetan activist, said in a phone interview from Dharamsala, India, home to the Tibetan government in exile.

Those promises include constitutional guarantees that ethnic minorities would have a significant role in managing their own affairs, much as Hong Kong does. In reality, the sprawling autonomous regions set up for Tibetans, Uighurs, Mongolians and other groups are run by ethnic Han Chinese officials appointed by the central government. Most experts outside China agree such entities are autonomous in name only.

Although Hong Kong residents still enjoy an uncensored Internet, an independent judiciary and a relatively unfettered press, their complaints echo those that Tibetans and Uighurs have been making for years: about growing interference from Beijing and increasing economic disparity fueled by a surge in wealthier migrants from the mainland.

Most analysts agree that events in Hong Kong have already done significant damage to one of China’s so-called core interests: its six-decade effort to bring about reunification with Taiwan.

That effort has already run into mounting resistance among the island’s 23 million residents, crystallized last spring when student activists occupied Taiwan’s legislature for nearly a month to protest a trade bill with China. Opponents said the measure, backed by Mr. Ma and his legislative allies from the governing Kuomintang, would have given Beijing too much influence over Taiwan’s economy, which is increasingly dependent on the mainland.

The protests, known as the Sunflower Movement, succeeded in halting the bill, providing inspiration to the young activists who have led the pro-democracy effort in Hong Kong.

In a move that stunned many people in Taiwan, the Chinese president, Xi Jinping, last month reaffirmed Beijing’s determination to pursue “one country, two systems” for Taiwan. Given events in Hong Kong, the announcement was seen as poorly timed and prompted a rebuke from President Ma, who has been struggling to ease widespread mistrust of Beijing among Taiwan’s electorate.

Jiho Chang, a leader of the Sunflower Movement, said the combination of Mr. Xi’s remarks and the refusal to give Hong Kong residents the right to elect their leader freely had finally put to rest the notion that Taiwan and Beijing might one day come together under the rubric of “one country, two systems.”

In a phone interview, Mr. Chang laughed when asked if “one country, two systems” still had any resonance among people in Taiwan.
“I’m very confident China would break its promises on anything,” he said. “China claims it wants to bring us closer together, but given what we’ve seen happening in Hong Kong, it has only succeeded in pushing us further apart.”




「紐約時報」的網路版所下的標題使用”From Tibet to Taiwan, China’s Periphery Watch Hong Protests Intently”這個標題,”China’s Periphery”(中國的周邊)一詞並不必然會讓讀者產生誤解,因為台灣在地理位置上,跟日本與菲律賓一樣,的確是在中國的周邊,但問題出在「從圖博到台灣」這個詞,因為幾乎所有的讀者都會認為 「圖博是中國的一部分」,因此,使用「從圖博到台灣」這個詞,就容易誤導讀者,讓不知情的讀者誤以為「台灣與圖博一樣,也是中國的一部分」。

「紐約時報」的平面版所下的標題就多少會令台灣人憂慮,它的標題是”From Tibet to Taiwan, China’s Outer Regions Watch Hong Kong Protests Intently” ,它把台灣與圖博等地一起列為中國的”Outer Regions”,我們擔心,說不定會有人以為”Outer Regions”是與"Heartland"、"Inner Regions"、”Interior Regions”(內地)相對的詞。

就內容而言,Andrews在第二段使用了”along the periphery of China’s far-flung territory, both inside the country and beyond”這個比較複雜的expression,「紐約時報」的讀者一般而言,都是美國與世界各地的菁英,所以都會讀得懂,不過,他們是否都會那麼細心地讀這一段陳述或描述,則又是另外一回事。

”along the periphery of China’s far-flung territory, both inside the country and beyond”的意思是說, ---Read More--- 台灣與圖博等地都「位處遠離中國的核心地區的邊遠領土的周邊,它們有的在中國裡面,有的則在中國之外」,從這麼複雜的語詞看來,Andrew應該是試圖把台灣與圖博加以區分,我們可以合理地猜測,Andrew認為台灣是在中國之外,可惜他沒有明說。

在第五段,Andrew說,”-------Taiwan, the self-governed island that China claims as part of its territory”,從這個描述來看,對台灣是比較好的,因為若讀者有人在讀到這一段之前,誤以為「台灣是中國的一部分」,讀到這裡,應該就不會再有誤解,因為Andrew說,「台灣是一個自治的島嶼,但中國卻聲稱或主張『台灣是中國領土的一部分』」,聲稱歸聲稱,主張歸主張,它總非事實。

雖然我們反對或不樂見台灣老被人與中國扯在一起,也反對或不樂見台灣老被人拿來與圖博及東土耳其斯坦相提並論,但是我們還是必須公允地說,Andrew這篇分析與報導對台灣人可能是利多於弊,因為他在後面幾段說,在港人進行「佔中戰役」之後,北京繼續對台灣發出的所謂「一國兩制」的濫調在台灣就更加沒有市場了,換言之,北京已把台灣推得更遠了。

在台灣的確還是有一些尚未堅決主張或堅決支持「台灣不與中國!進行任何形式的政治聯合」的人,他們之中仍有人對中國、北京或老共存有幻想,我們可以合理地想像或推測,港人的「佔中事件」多少會讓他們的「中國夢」或對中國的幻想破滅或帶來衝擊,這對台灣與台灣人是有利的。

但若有人認為「佔中事件」與北京的作為會讓市場佔有率只有個位數的「一國兩制解決模式」在台灣的市場更加萎縮,我們則不那麼認為。我們認為,即便歷年的民調已顯示,心智健全的多數台灣人民拒絕北京提出的所謂的「一國兩制」,但仍有極少數居心叵測的敗類、頭殼壞去的弱智者或心智不健全的人渣加以呼應或支持,這是一個正常社會的結構性異類或異端,他們是無法被教育的、無法被理喻的、無法被說服的賤種,有如過去在印度的種性制度中不幸被歸類為the untouchable的群類,這個呼應或支持所謂的「一國兩制」的群類在台灣社會中會維持大約1%至3%的穩定比例,我們只要把他們認為是不可被接觸的或不宜被接觸的賤種就可以了,把時間放在這些賤種的身上,是大可不必,因為他們犯賤,即便他們之中有不少人也是人模人樣或受過所謂的「高等教育」。




另外,我們得指出「中央社」的報導其中的兩段:

//包道格(Douglas Paal)接受中央社記者訪問時指出,整體來說,台灣與香港年輕世代抗爭有些類似之處,經濟繁榮地區的青年都面臨冷戰後全球化,機會大幅減少,香港與台灣青年都見到出路大不如前,因此對政治感到不滿。//

//他說,台灣青年認為服貿協議威脅未來的機會,香港青年則看到大陸民眾與影響湧入,造成房價飛漲,貧富差異加劇,雙方都見到中國大陸帶來的擁擠現象和某些醜陋面,不希望是中國的一部分。//

包道格所發表的觀點顯示 ,他對發動「太陽花學運」的台灣新世代與發動「佔中運動」的香港青年學生所共同面臨的若干政治、經濟與社會問題有很正確的掌握。

關於這些問題,「洛杉磯時報」有一篇分析與報導十分精彩,我們現在把它順便張貼出來,供鄉親們參考,不過,不習慣閱讀英文報章雜誌的鄉親們不妨跳過,讀到這裡就可以了。

“China’s Edge in Hong Kong”
By Julie McKinen
The Los Angeles Time
10/1/2014

---Economic clout is the new engine driving Beijing’s assertive stance on the territory’s affairs— MICHAEL DEGOLYER, professor of government at Hong Kong Baptist University ‘ In economic terms, the fundamental dynamic is that China holds all the cards.’

HONG KONG — The colorful skyscrapers and massive luxury shops glistening along both sides of Hong Kong’s harbor offer architectural proof of the economic boom that hit this city after Britain handed the former colony back to China in1997.

To many of the pro- democracy demonstrators now clogging Hong Kong’s streets, however, it’s been a financial deal with the devil.

“What’s my daughter’s future going to look like?” asked 55- year- old Gary Ng, sitting with his wife amid a sea of protesters in the city’s financial district. “She’s graduating soon, and it’s not like when we were young. Who knows what kind of job she can get?

“Housing prices have gone crazy, and no one running this city seems to have solutions. We need our own politicians in charge.”

The demonstrations that have paralyzed parts of the city since Sundaywere touched off by new ballot regulations that allow Beijing to control who is selected as Hong Kong’s chief executive. But the real debate is about economics as well as elections — and a profound shift that has transformed the nature of the relationship between Beijing and the former British colony.

Along with a deep sense of righting a historical humiliation, economics were a large part of why Beijing pushed so hard in the 1980s and 1990s to recover Hong Kong. Back then, Hong Kong had everything China wanted: wealth, interna-tional connections, membership in global trade organizations. Those assets, Beijing realized, could help pull China out of decades of communist isolation and serve as a model for industrializing and modernizing the mainland’s backward, agrarian economy.

Now, 17 years after Hong Kong was handed back to China under a noninterference policy known as “one country, two systems,” much of what mainland leaders envisioned has come true. With assistance from Hong Kong, China became the world’s factory floor, and its economy has grown from seventh- largest in1997 toNo. 2 today, behind the United States.

Hong Kong has flourished too as a result of the economic interdependence, and it still provides China a unique bridge to the global economy. But its relative strength vis- a- vis Beijing has eroded substantially as the mainland economy has soared even faster and other Chinese cities, such as Shanghai, have started to offer many of the financial services once available only in HongKong.

Meanwhile, Hong Kong’s position as the stock exchange of choice for Chinese firms with global aspirations has also eroded; this year alone, Alibaba, Weibo and JD. com have launched large initial public offerings in NewYork.

That dynamic, analysts say, has emboldened mainland leaders to take a more assertive stance on Hong Kong affairs, including Beijing’s decision last month to announce detailed rules for the 2017 elections. A screening committee, Beijing ruled, has to approve all candidates for the city’s top leadership post; the protesters now taking to the streets say that violates China’s1997 promise to allow free elections in 2017.

“Many HongKongers feel Beijing is playing a game; they’re trying to exercise their political muscle by tightening the economic relationship and making Hong Kong more dependent on China’s economy,” said Dixon Ming Sing, an associate professor of social science at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology.

“Many people now think that those promises of ‘ one country, two systems’ were just an ad hoc solution to fool Hong Kongers and buy time, that Beijing just didn’t want to kill the golden chicken that was laying a golden egg for China at that time.”

Hong Kong has become so intertwined with mainland China in the last 17 years that some observers say Beijing doesn’t need to think about putting down the demonstrations with military force; there are other levers that could quickly be pulled to bring the agitators to their knees.

Beijing could simply shut off its taps, depriving Hong Kong of most of its water supply, at least one official has noted. It could close the land borders, cutting off food sources. It could shut Chinese airspace, in effect closingHongKong’s airport, and seal off Chinese waters, thereby shutting the port.

“They could do all this, and within a week, Hong Kong people would be thirsty and hungry and jobless,” said Michael DeGolyer, professor of government at Hong Kong Baptist University. “In economic terms, the fundamental dynamic is that China holds all the cards.”

Migrants and tourists from the mainland, many with deep pockets, have poured into Hong Kong, a city of 7 million. They come to shop and study; somefind ways to stay. In 2010, 20 million mainlanders visited HongKong; lastyear, thefigure rose to 41 million. And the government has projected100 million could comeannually by 2020.

The benefits of interdependence have accrued disproportionately to the city’s upper crust. Hong Kong’s GDP has risen by 50% in the last decade, but median household incomes have risenbyonly about10%. And the average income of people younger than 40 actually dropped by more than 11% between 2000 and 2010, census data showed.

The tide of mainland migrants and tourists has driven up the prices of everything from baby formula to housing. Storefronts once occupied by mom- and- pop shops have been taken over by retailers catering to the swarm of mainlanders, whom some Hong Kongers have derided as “locusts.”

At the same time, the territory has been struggling with a rapidly aging population. Quirks in Hong Kong’s pension system mean many people are forced to retire at 60 but can’t draw benefits until they are 65. In a survey conducted by the Hong Kong Transition Project, a long- term study of the territory’s move from British to Chinese sovereignty, about half of the younger people said they were giving some portion of their salaries to parents and grandparents to help them get by.

Beijing- appointed government officials have been slow to address such breadandbutter issues. So many people are upset with the state of affairs that in a survey conducted two weeks ago by the Chinese University of HongKong, 1in 5 people said they would consider leaving the territory for a life overseas.

The emigration sentiment was strongest among young people with higher educations, the exact group that is driving this week’s massive demonstrations. This generation, DeGolyer said, feels strongly that the current crop of administrators isn’t looking out for the people’s interests, and that only a truly democratic systemcan change that.

“This economic dynamic is what’s driving frustration,” he said.

HongKongers, said Sing, “feel their dignity and autonomy have been chipped away at an increasing rate in the last fewyears.”

Those feelings of alienation were reinforced last week when Hong Kong university students launched a class boycott over the election issue.

As the students sweltered in the heat, Chinese President Xi Jinping was schmoozing with a delegation of 70 friendly Hong Kong tycoons in Beijing. His message to the billionaires: A wide- open vote for the city’s next leader was out of the question; all candidates would have to be screened to ensure they are friendly toward mainland China.

Meanwhile, Carrie Lam, the top HongKong official in charge of managing the process of finalizing rules for the 2017 vote, announced she was going on a five- day holiday.

“Literally, the local government said, ‘ We’re not listening, we’re on vacation.’ And the national government said, ‘ The people who really count are the rich ones,’ ” said DeGolyer. “That’s why you now have such furiousness, anger and alienation on the streets.”

With street- clogging demonstrations in their third day Tuesday, Hong Kong authorities showed no signs of willingness to compromise, but also no indication that they intended to deploy riot police, as they had Sunday. Officers’ use of tear gas against demonstrators shocked many Hong Kongers and prompted bigger crowds to pour into main thorough fares Monday.

Beijing- appointed Chief Executive Leung Chun- ying called on protesters to stop blocking major streets and go home.

At the same time, he warned that the rallies “will last for a relatively long time … and the cost to Hong Kong’s international image will growbigger and bigger. I hope everyone can consider these issues.”

Leung stopped short of issuing a deadline for protesters to leave the streets and said he would not deploy the mainland Chinese military to quash the demonstrations. He also rejected calls to resign.

On Wednesday, China will mark National Day, which celebrates the 1949 founding of communist China. Most Hong Kongers have the day off, which could add substantially to the crowds in the streets. However, thunderstorms threaten todampturnout.

Theapparent willingness of Beijing to take await- andsee approach, analysts say, reflects the fact that Hong Kong is not the essential economic link it oncewas.
At the same time, though, the lack of a swift and strong crackdown shows Beijing still regards Hong Kong as important enough to tread carefully.

“Yes, Hong Kong’s GDP as a proportion of China’s GDP has declined dramatically, but Hong Kong is still making a significant economic contribution,” said Sing. “I think that’s why the leaders of the protest movement haven’t been arrested, and why ‘ one country, two systems’ has not entirely crumbled, though it’s suffered a lot of erosion.”

台灣建州運動發起人周威霖
David C. Chou
Founder, Formosa Statehood Movement
(an organization devoted in current stage to making Taiwan a territorial commonwealth of the United States)

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