關於
The Formosa Statehood Movement was founded by David C. Chou in 1994. It advocates Taiwan become a territory of the United States, leading to statehood.
簡介
[台灣建州運動]在1994年被周威霖與他的同志們在台灣建立, 這個運動主張[台灣人民在美國政府所認為的適當時機, 透過自決與公投, 加入美國], 第一個階段先讓台灣成為美國的領地, 第二階段再經一次公投成為美國一州.

[台灣成為美國的領地]是台灣前途解決的[中程解決方案], 在台灣成為美國領地之後, 經過一段時間, 台灣領地人民再來進行第二次的公投, 那時公投的選項當然可以包括[台灣成為美國一州].[台灣獨立建國].[台灣繼續做為美國的領地]及其它的方案.

[台灣建州運動]現階段極力主張與強力推動[台灣成為美國的領地], 這應該是 [反國民黨統治當局及中國聯手偷竊台灣主權] 的所有台灣住民目前最好的選擇.

在[舊金山和約]中被日本拋棄的台灣主權至今仍在美國政府的政治監護之中, [台灣建州運動]決心與台灣住民. 台美人.美國政府及美國人民一起捍衛台灣主權, 並呼籲台灣住民將台灣主權正式交給美利堅合眾國, 以維護並促進台灣人民與美國的共同利益.

2015年6月13日 星期六

對北京而言,現在可能是亮劍、殺雞儆猴、警告境外敵對勢力的最好時機

               對北京而言,現在可能是亮劍、殺雞儆猴、警告境外敵對勢力的最好時機

---在1989年,中國都還沒那麼強大且亟需仰賴西方國家協助其進行四大現代化的時候,北京都敢在天安門屠殺中國學生,現在是2014年,中國已如此強大,北京更沒有理由畏懼國際輿論與觀感,所以把神武的解放軍開進香港屠城,試練一下刀鋒,誰敢放屁? 對北京而言,現在可能是展示武力,殺雞(香港人)儆猴(境內外的中國民運與維權份子),同時藉機警告境外勢力(台灣、美國與其他西方國家的民主勢力)的最好時刻,老共可以藉此向世人發出訊號,保證許歷農、蔡衍明、連戰與鳩山由紀夫之流的人都會嚇得屁滾尿流,對老共更加諂媚、恭順、搖尾乞憐或敬畏。




台灣建州運動在9/29/2014發表「向啟動與參加香港民主運動的『佔中戰役』的勇敢香港學生與市民致敬」一文,向台灣鄉親、台美人鄉親與世人表達了我們對香港民主派、學生與市民的「佔中行動」的立場與支持,我們今天再就此戰役及議題繼續談下去。

在前面所提的一文中,建州運動表示,我們不歡迎也不樂見外界或台灣內部有人把「不屬於中國的、與中國毫不相干」的台灣與「現在被中國統治、主權屬於中國」的香港、圖博、東土耳其斯坦拿來相提並論,老實說,我們每次看到或聽到,就十分惱火。

我們今天閱讀世界若干主流報紙,仍然讀到這類的論述。

「紐約時報」的頭條社論[“China’s Crackdown in Hong Kong”, 9/30/2014]的結語這樣說: The crisis is also raising concerns in Taiwan, a self-governing island that the Chinese government insists is a province of China that must one day be reunited with the mainland. After what’s happened in Hong Kong, the Taiwanese will have no reason ever to trust China’s promise of “one country, two systems.”[香港此次的危機,也在「被中國視為一省,而且將必須被統一」的台灣引起關切 ,在香港發生了這些事之後,台灣人將會有很好的理由,不再相信中國『一國兩制』的承諾。]

「華爾街日報」的報導[James T. Areddy: “China’s Democracy Dilemma”, 9/30/2014]中,有一段出於善意、但從我們的角度看仍嫌「不倫不類」的評論: "If Beijing has any intention of creating a kind or nice image in the hearts of Taiwan people, what happened over the weekend in Hong Kong is extremely unhelpful," said Alex Huang, a political-science professor at Tamkang University. [淡江大學的政治學教授黃介正說: 若北京有任何想要在台灣人民的心中創造良好形象的意圖,那麼上禮拜在香港所發生的事是非常沒有幫助的。]




老共與北京現在羽翼豐滿,躊躇滿志,顧盼自雄,他們現在連美國都不看在眼裡了,哪會正眼瞧一下香港人? 對北京而言,這些可惡的「小港仔」只是一群”spoiled brats with an unpatriotic nostalgia for colonial rule”(被寵壞了的乳臭未乾的小兒,他們並不愛國,他們懷念英國的殖民統治) [引自Gideon Rachman: “China’s biggest challenge since 1989”, The Financial Times, 9/30/2014]或是”a gang of people whose hearts belong to colonial rule and who are besotted with ‘Western democracy’”(一群心已屬於殖民統治以及因為傾心西方的民主而昏聵的人) [引自「紐約時報」 Edward Wong & Chris Buckley: “Limited Tools in Hong Kong: China’s Usual Steps May be Inadequate”, 9/30/2014][註: 受過英國統治的香港人與他們的後代接著被較落伍、野蠻與猥瑣的中國人統治,必然會懷念英國統治的美好時光,但這會刺痛中國人的自尊心,會傷害中國人的感情,被香港人瞧不起的中國人不但不會自我反省,反而會斥責港人,並要對港人進行「愛國教育」,對港人灌輸「民族精神」。]

老共與北京鄙視港人、睥睨世人的心態現在已不時展露,因為這樣,所以他們已無需再對港人展示寬容,他們可以君臨天下,頤指氣使,再說,如果這次他們讓步,那後果堪虞,因為從此 「香港精靈」會擴散到北京、上海、重慶、武漢、烏魯木齊、拉薩、呼和浩特、蘭州、瀋陽、長春、天津、西安、廣州、深圳、南京,遍地烽火,這不啻是為境內外的民運份子奪取政權、為老共亡黨亡國鋪路,這樣看來很不划算,所以對港人軟弱與讓步,看起來不是什麼好的選項或可行的選項。

對老共與北京而言,”the upheavals in Hong Kong were instigated by democratic radicals who had sought support from ‘anti-China forces’in Britain and the United States, and had sought lessons from independence activists in Taiwan”[香港這次的動亂是被那些受到英國與美國的「反中勢力」所煽動的以及從台灣獨立份子那裡取經的激進民主派挑起],所以,這些港仔、美國人、英國人與台灣人都很可惡。

在幾天前,老共的喉舌以及老共在美國的傳聲筒一直在指控美國派駐在香港的領事人員與工作人員在對中國搞顛覆活動。例如,9/24/2014「僑報」這個匪報有一則以「(香)港美(國)中心[即The Hong Kong-America Center]疑在港搞顏色革命: 各界斥美干涉香港內部事務」為題的報導,9/25/2014,在「環球時報」這份匪報又有一則報導,題為「美『顛覆香港』基地遭曝光」[註: 這所謂的基地指的就是The Hong Kong-America Center]。




接下來 ,我們藉「洛杉磯時報」一則報導,來看看北京與華盛頓如何隔空交火。 ---Read More---

“Protests grow in Hong Kong”
By Julie Makinen
Los Angeles Times
9/30/2014

Hua Chunying, a spokeswoman for China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, warned Monday that foreign interference in the situation was unwelcome by Beijing. “Hong Kong belongs to China. Hong Kong affairs are purely China’s domestic affairs,” she said. [中國外交部發言人在9/29/2014警告,北京不歡迎外來勢力干預香港的局勢,香港屬於中國,香港事務純屬中國的內部事務。]

U.S. officials were watching the protests closely, White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest said, and urged authorities in Hong Kong to exercise restraint and protesters to remain peaceful.[白宮發言人Josh Earnest說,美國政府官員正在密切觀察香港學生的抗議活動。]

“The United States supports universal suffrage in Hong Kong in accordance with the basic law, and we support the aspirations of the Hong Kong people,” Earnest said. [Josh Earnest說,美國支持根據基本法而來的香港普選,美國支持香港人民的願望。]

Asked whether the U.S. would like to see such freedoms extended to mainland China, Earnest said yes. [在被詢及美國是否希望看到普選被推廣到中國大陸,白宮發言人說「是的」。]

“We make a point out of every interaction with senior Chinese government officials that respect for basic universal human rights is critically important.” [白宮發言人說,在每一次與中國的政府高層官員互動時,美國官員總是會表示,尊重普世的基本人權是十分重要的。] 




我們在9/29/2014發表的文章中說,「在我們聲援香港的民主鬥士的同時,我們也要提醒他們: 要以六四天安門的屠城事件為鑑,要對包括中國人民解放軍在內的中國的國家恐怖統治機器所帶來的立即而明顯的威脅與危險給予正視,並要制訂可行的對策。」

在今天的媒體中,已出現了若干這類的論點與警示,不過,我們只張貼一篇。

“Heading Off a Tiananmen Massacre in Hong Kong” (防止天安門屠殺在香港發生)
Wall Street Journal
9/30/2014

Yang Jianli, president of Initiative for China, Teng Biao, a human-rights lawyer, and Hu Jia , winner of the Sakharov Prize, are former political prisoners of China. They write: [作者為中國的民運領袖與人權律師楊建利、滕彪與胡佳]

Thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators turned out in Hong Kong on Monday, defying a government crackdown over the weekend that saw riot police using tear gas, pepper spray and batons against protesters. As demonstrations grow against Beijing's violation of its promise to allow universal suffrage, there is a danger that the infamous 1989 massacre in Tiananmen Square could be repeated in Hong Kong. [1989年在天安門廣場屠殺的危險有可能在今天的香港再度出現]

The crisis began in June, when Beijing released a white paper that reneged on the "One Country Two Systems" principle laid out in the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984 and the Basic Law, Hong Kong's constitution. China had pledged that Hong Kong could rule itself on all matters apart from defense and foreign affairs, and voters could freely choose their own leader.

Instead, the white paper claimed that Beijing has complete jurisdiction over Hong Kong, with the only autonomy being what the central government decides to grant. All aspects of local government are subject to oversight by Beijing, and even judges must meet its standard of patriotism.

Not surprisingly, this angered many in Hong Kong. Some 800,000 people participated in an unofficial referendum on the system for nominating candidates for chief executive; 90% voted for the citizens, rather than a committee, selecting nominees. More than half a million people then protested to underline this demand.

Nevertheless, China's National People's Congress, a figurehead of the Central Committee of the China's Communist Party, released restrictive rules to select Hong Kong's chief executive in 2017. A nominating committee will be composed mostly of those approved by Beijing. Candidates for chief executive must then obtain approval from the majority of the committee and only two to three candidates will be chosen to run.

Requiring voters to select leaders from two to three candidates selected by a committee controlled by Beijing is not meaningful "universal suffrage." Hong Kong people's hopes for real democracy were again shattered.

Beijing's edict made larger protests inevitable. Occupy Central With Love and Peace and other pro-democracy groups held nonviolent sit-ins that blocked traffic in Hong Kong's financial district. The right to such peaceful assembly and freedom of press are enshrined in the Hong Kong Bill of Rights, as well as in the Basic Law and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, an international treaty that applies to Hong Kong.

Yet in early July, Hong Kong police detained more than 500 participants and organizers for their role in peaceful protests that called on Beijing to deliver genuine democracy. Hong Kong's House News, a popular independent newspaper known for its support of Occupy Central, closed after its owner released a letter saying he was "fearful" because of political pressure from China. And last month, Hong Kong's Independent Commission Against Corruption raided media owner Jimmy Lai's home in connection with his donations to pro-democracy legislators. The pro-democracy legislator Lee Cheuk-Yan's home was raided on the same day.
Chinese officials in charge of Hong Kong affairs have threatened repeatedly that Hong Kong-based units of China's People's Liberation Army will use force to suppress peaceful demonstrations. This tragic outcome is becoming more likely.[處理香港事務的中國官員一再威脅,宣稱中國在香港的駐軍將會被用來鎮壓和平示威,這種悲劇的後果正在成為可能。]

The United States and the international community share the responsibility to prevent another murderous attack on pro-democracy demonstrators. While the Tiananmen Square massacre surprised the world, this time the world is on notice. The Obama administration should press the Chinese government to honor its promise of democratic elections in Hong Kong. The White House also must more forcefully condemn the violence against demonstrators—the administration's response so far has been inadequate. [美國與國際社區應該分擔防止北京再對民主示威者進行屠戮式的攻擊的責任,歐巴馬政權應該對北京施壓,到目前為止,歐巴馬團隊的反應是不夠的。]

Two of the world's powerful autocracies, both rooted in the idea and practice of communist dictatorship, are bent on encroaching upon freedom and democracy on two different fronts: Ukraine and Hong Kong. Many strategic experts note that Russian President Vladimir Putin 's aggressive posture toward Ukraine was strengthened by America's failure to act more decisively in Syria. And the U.S. failure to challenge Mr. Putin's seizure of Crimea helped embolden him to invade southeast Ukraine.

China has the potential to become an even more relentless, aggressive dictatorship than Russia. From their support for rogue regimes in Iran, North Korea and Syria to their military buildups and aggressive use of cyberwarfare and technology theft, Moscow and Beijing are playing for keeps and their corrosive impact should worry the free world. [中國有比俄羅斯成為更具侵略性及更殘酷的獨裁政體的潛力。註: 此項觀察完全正確。]

Only a strong, unambiguous warning from the U.S. will cause either of those countries to carefully consider the costs of new violent acts of repression. Hong Kong and Ukraine are calling for the rebirth of American global leadership for freedom and democracy. [美國積極與正面地介入香港與烏克蘭事務,是美國在自由與民主事業上再度取得全球性領導地位的契機。註: 這三位中國民運領袖與維權鬥士對華府的呼籲與期許十分合情合理,希望因烏克蘭與伊斯蘭國問題而焦頭爛額的歐巴馬行政團隊高層能分一點心來關心港人,更不可為了尋求北京在烏克蘭與伊斯蘭國問題上合作而犧牲港人的利益。]




如果我們沒有說錯,(1)共軍在東海、台海與南海的挑釁性行動已經暫時停止,(2)北京應該已在香港邊界及內部調動軍隊。

台灣建州運動發起人周威霖
David C. Chou
Founder, Formosa Statehood Movement
(an organization devoted in current stage to making Taiwan a territorial commonwealth of the United States)

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