關於
The Formosa Statehood Movement was founded by David C. Chou in 1994. It advocates Taiwan become a territory of the United States, leading to statehood.
簡介
[台灣建州運動]在1994年被周威霖與他的同志們在台灣建立, 這個運動主張[台灣人民在美國政府所認為的適當時機, 透過自決與公投, 加入美國], 第一個階段先讓台灣成為美國的領地, 第二階段再經一次公投成為美國一州.

[台灣成為美國的領地]是台灣前途解決的[中程解決方案], 在台灣成為美國領地之後, 經過一段時間, 台灣領地人民再來進行第二次的公投, 那時公投的選項當然可以包括[台灣成為美國一州].[台灣獨立建國].[台灣繼續做為美國的領地]及其它的方案.

[台灣建州運動]現階段極力主張與強力推動[台灣成為美國的領地], 這應該是 [反國民黨統治當局及中國聯手偷竊台灣主權] 的所有台灣住民目前最好的選擇.

在[舊金山和約]中被日本拋棄的台灣主權至今仍在美國政府的政治監護之中, [台灣建州運動]決心與台灣住民. 台美人.美國政府及美國人民一起捍衛台灣主權, 並呼籲台灣住民將台灣主權正式交給美利堅合眾國, 以維護並促進台灣人民與美國的共同利益.

2015年6月13日 星期六

向啟動與參加香港民主運動的「佔中戰役」的勇敢香港學生與市民致敬

              向啟動與參加香港民主運動的「佔中戰役」的勇敢香港學生與市民致

台灣建州運動對香港勇敢的熱血青年所帶領與參與的民主運動一直密切地觀察,並加以關注 ,我們要表達與給予我們對廣大的香港青年、學生與市民的行動的讚揚與道義支持。

我們這樣做,不是因為香港與台灣有什麼「唇亡齒寒」的關係,也不是因為有「今日的香港就是明日的台灣」這種說法。台灣與香港、圖博及東土耳其斯坦不同 ,台灣的主權不屬於中國,台灣也從來不受中華人民共和國的佔領與統治,台灣人只要能得到美國的保護,台灣人只要與美國聯手,有能力防止老K及「在台中國人」偷竊台灣的主權,有能力防止老K及 「在台中國人」把台灣出賣給中國,有能力防止老共來搶奪台灣的主權,就可以了。

但台灣人不能獨善其身,不能讓香港民主運動人士孤軍奮戰 ,我們要站在道德的高地,我們要基於我們信持超國界的自由、民主、人權、法治這些普世價值,來聲援與支持香港民主派與民主運動。[所謂「超國界」,意指它不是純屬一國之內政,若他國的政府或人民去介入,不得被指控為干涉內政。]

建州運動今天先引用「華爾街日報」一篇社論的結語,來呼籲台灣鄉親、台美鄉親與美國政府聲援與支持香港青年、學生與市民的「佔中行動」(佔領中環行動) ,並祝願他們的勇敢行動能最終完成香港的民主化: “Hong Kong's democracy advocates deserve the world's support, not least from a U.S. government that seems not to be paying attention. “ (香港民主人士理應得到全世界的支持,至少要包括來自美國政府的支持,雖然它似乎沒有對香港的民主運動給予關注)

底下是該社論的全文:

“Hong Kong's Democratic Awakening”
Wall Street Journal
9/29/2014
---The government cracks down on peaceful student protesters.

Hong Kong police used tear gas Sunday evening to disperse peaceful protesters sitting downtown near government offices. The crowd of perhaps 50,000 quickly regrouped, even more determined to demand that Beijing withdraw a plan for sham democracy in 2017. More than 70 protesters have been arrested so far; police held banners threatening "military force" if the protests continue.

The confrontation marks a turning point in the city's quest for democracy. For years the people of Hong Kong avoided direct conflict with Beijing in the hope that Chinese authorities might be persuaded to grant them self-government. Now they realize that their only chance for democracy is to demand it.

Xi Jinping pushed Hong Kong to this point. A July white paper was the first clear indication that the supreme leader would take a harder line. China withdrew the autonomy that it had promised Hong Kong for 50 years as part of the agreement when Britain handed back its territory in 1997, saying the local government is subordinate to Beijing's "comprehensive authority."

When the National People's Congress ruled on Aug. 31 that only pro-Beijing candidates would be allowed to become the city's Chief Executive, it swept aside proposals for compromise. The government used the police to open investigations against its opponents. Zhang Xiaoming, director of the Chinese government's Liaison Office, even told a gathering of opposition politicians that Beijing showed its tolerance with "the fact that you are allowed to stay alive."

Occupy Central, a civil disobedience campaign that was supposed to start this Wednesday, seemed to have little public support until recently. But Beijing's hardline tactics and a new youth movement have re-energized the democracy cause.

Joshua Wong, the 17-year-old who founded the student organization Scholarism when he was in high school three years ago, helped organize a class boycott of university students last week. He was arrested Friday night and not released on bail until Sunday.

Stalwart figures like barrister Martin Lee and former journalist Emily Lau have led Hong Kong to this turning point and deserve its gratitude. But China's rich history of student movements has allowed Mr. Wong and his classmates to take the lead of the democracy camp from older politicians. As the police threatened the students Sunday, thousands of other Hong Kongers came out to support their young relatives.

The demonstrators have been largely peaceful, and it's important that they remain so. China's government is known for employing gangs to commit violent acts that could become a pretext for arrests and propaganda against demonstrators.

Hong Kong's fight for self-government is significant far beyond the territory of 7.2 million that for decades has been a beacon of freedom. The hope of many in 1997 was that Hong Kong's success would be a model that the mainland might emulate. Instead Beijing's Communists fear any show of self-government, even in an autonomous region, as a threat to their own rule. Hong Kong's democracy advocates deserve the world's support, not least from a U.S. government that seems not to be paying attention.

在我們聲援香港的民主鬥士的同時,我們也要提醒他們: 要以六四天安門的屠城事件為鑑,要對包括中國人民解放軍在內的中國的國家恐怖統治機器所帶來的立即而明顯的威脅與危險給予正視,並要制訂可行的對策。

台灣建州運動發起人周威霖
David C. Chou
Founder, Formosa Statehood Movement
(an organization devoted in current stage to making Taiwan a territorial commonwealth of the United States)

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