卡特總統「白宮日記」("White House Diary")中有關台灣的部分
一
對「在台灣的住民」而言，尼克森與卡特兩位總統是印象比較深刻的，因為他們的中國政策與對台政策對台灣住民的命運產生了巨大與深遠的影響。
卡特在競選連任之役，被雷根擊敗，這對他而言，是極大的挫敗與羞辱。尼克森因在「水門案」中說謊被彈劾，因而被迫辭職下台，這對他而言，也是極大的恥辱 。他們兩人為了替自己恢復名譽或爭取歷史地位，所以在下任之後，勤奮著述與出書 。以卡特為例，他前後總共出了25本書，實在很驚人。
由於美國是在卡特總統任內與中國建交，所以我們今天決定使用他所出版的「白宮日記」中有關台灣的部分，來看他的對台政策。
要了解卡特的對台政策，當然還要研讀其他的出版物，包括他所出版的其他書(如”Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President”)、U.S. Government Printing Office所出版的九大冊”Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Jimmy Carter, 1977-81”、美國國家安全會議已解密的資料、他當年一些主要的國安與外交官員所出版的回憶錄或傳記，但我們今天並不準備涉及這些材料，此外，我們今天談卡特總統的對台政策，也將僅限於「白宮日記」中對台灣的記述，而不觸及對中國的記述，雖然這兩者息息相關。
二
卡特「白宮日記」("White House Diary Jimmy Carter")於2010年由Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York出版。
我們現在按日期(即記載)的先後，把卡特「白宮日記」中對台灣的記述抄錄出來:
2/21/1977
Constant leaks of sensitive information---much of which was often distorted ---were to plague us during the entire term. Government officials with special interests---the awarding of defense contracts or the political status of Taiwan, to name just two examples---were eager to use their knowledge of inside information to further their causes.
這一段的記載說，他的政府內部敏感的資訊經常被洩露，與台灣的政治地位有關的訊息就是其中之一，原因是他的政府官員中有些人在這方面有特殊的利益，他們希望運用這些內幕消息，來增進他們自己的causes。
3/18/1977
I told Bill Scranton [former governor of Pennsylvania and ambassador to the United Nations] if we could have the Chinese agree not to solve the Taiwan question with force that we would try to bring about normal relationships with the People’s Republic.
這一段顯示，卡特在此時已經有美國應與中國關係正常化(建交)的想法，但他要中方同意他開的「不以武力解決台灣問題」的條件。
8/5/1977
Had lunch with the Joint Chiefs of Staff to let them know that I needed their advice re normalizing relationship with China. They all agreed, provided we could continue to trade and supply arms to Taiwan.
聯參會的軍方巨頭們同意美中關係正常化，倘若美國能繼續軍售台灣。
4/21/1978
The Hornes [Billy and Irene Horne, personal Georgia friends] came by to try to talk to me about Taiwan. I told them it was a serious mistake for Taiwan to give my friends expensive things such as trips and it was inappropriate to act as an ambassador for me or for the Taiwanese.
這一段顯示，台灣當局已偵知美國政府即將與所謂的「中華民國政府」斷交，所以極力拉攏卡特的喬治亞親友，希望透過他們來拉攏卡特，但卡特並不吃這一套。
為了讓讀者了解，他在這段記述下面加了一段解說:
As the prospects for normalizing our relationship with China improved (eight months later, we formally established diplomatic relations), the leaders of Taiwan began to pour favors---such as free trips, lodging, and expensive gifts---on our closed friends and relatives in the hope that they would secure my continued support. Rosalynn and I forbade any immediate member of our family to be seduced, but there is still a small Taiwanese garden on Main Street in Plains, donated during that year. (那時，高雄市與卡特的祖居地平原市結為姊妹市，高雄市並在該地建了一個台灣園。)
5/12/1978
We had a regular foreign affairs breakfast and discussed normalization with China this year. Our selling arms to Taiwan and our uncontradicted statement concerning a peaceful resolution of the P.R.C.-Taiwan issue would be mandatory.
卡特決定在1978年與中國建交，但中台問題的和平解決與對台軍售是mandatory的前提。
9/19/1978
I had an interesting meeting with Ambassador Chai Tse-min, from China. There are obvious compatibilities between the two [nations] if we want to normalize relations. The key issue from our side is that we will continue to sell defensive weapons to Taiwan, and we would make a public statement that the issue should be settled by peaceful means. We would expect China not to contradict this in an aggravating way.
卡特與中國派駐華盛頓的辦事處代表柴澤民談美中建交的條件，這兩個條件上面已提過。
12/15/1978
The big day for the China announcement. We were favorably impressed with Teng and the rapidity with which he moved and agreed to accept our one-year treaty with Taiwan, our statement that the Taiwan issue should be settled peacefully would not be contradicted by China, and that we would sell defensive weapons to Taiwan after the treaty expires.
卡特說他對鄧小平很快就接受美方的條件一事印象深刻。[這些條件後來就載入「台灣關係法」]
3/7/1979
I instructed Vance to hold firm on Taiwan legislation. If it violates my commitments to China, I will have to veto it, leaving it illegal to deal with Taiwan.
這一段談到「台灣關係法」的立法。
卡特在下面又加註，他說:
I was in control of this situation because I had presidential authority to form new ties to China and sever the treaty relationships with Taiwan. The Congress, meanwhile, had more limited authority: they could pass legislation that authorized our country to continue trade and commerce with Taiwan, but only as a province of China.
卡特這一段後來加上的註解犯下極嚴重的錯誤，他竟將台灣視為「中國的一省」。所以，我們必須研究他與他的國安顧問是否與中方有賣台的密約。
卡特將台灣視為「中國的一省」的說法與「台灣關係法」立法記錄中所顯示的行政與立法部門「台灣法律地位未定」的共識與認知產生了矛盾。
立法記錄這麼說:
The [Carter ]Administration has stated that it recognizes the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as the sole legal government of China. It has also acknowledged the Chinese position that Taiwan is a part of China, BUT THE UNITED STATES HAS NOT ITSELF AGREED TO THIS POSITION. The bill submitted by the Administration TAKES NO POSITION ON THE STATUS OF TAIWAN UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW, but does regard Taiwan as a country for purposes of U.S. domestic law. The bill assumes that any benefits to be conferred on Taiwan by statute may be conferred WITHOUT REGARD TO TAIWAN’S INTERNATIONAL LEGAL IDENTITY. THE LEGAL SCHOLARS CONSULTED BY THE [SENATE] COMMITTEE [ON FOREIGN RELATIONS]AGREED WITH THIS VIEW. MOST OF THESE SCHOLARS THOUGHT IT WOULD BE UNWISE TO TRY TO DEFINE TAIWAN’S INTERNATIONAL STATUS. [註: 大寫字是我自己打的，目的是為了要強調那幾個關鍵字。]
11/30/1979
We won our Taiwan treaty appellate court decision, certifying that I had the right to terminate the treaty.
12/13/1979
The Supreme Court ruled with me on the abrogation of the Taiwan treaty.
上面這兩段記載指出，卡特在哥倫比亞特區聯邦上訴法院與聯邦最高法院贏了官司(Goldwater v. Carter)，法院判決行政部門有權與所謂的「中華民國政府」斷絕外交關係並廢除「美蔣共同防禦條約」。
台灣建州運動發起人周威霖
David C. Chou
Founder, Formosa Statehood Movement
(an organization devoted in current stage to making Taiwan a territorial commonwealth of the United States)
對「在台灣的住民」而言，尼克森與卡特兩位總統是印象比較深刻的，因為他們的中國政策與對台政策對台灣住民的命運產生了巨大與深遠的影響。
卡特在競選連任之役，被雷根擊敗，這對他而言，是極大的挫敗與羞辱。尼克森因在「水門案」中說謊被彈劾，因而被迫辭職下台，這對他而言，也是極大的恥辱 。他們兩人為了替自己恢復名譽或爭取歷史地位，所以在下任之後，勤奮著述與出書 。以卡特為例，他前後總共出了25本書，實在很驚人。
由於美國是在卡特總統任內與中國建交，所以我們今天決定使用他所出版的「白宮日記」中有關台灣的部分，來看他的對台政策。
要了解卡特的對台政策，當然還要研讀其他的出版物，包括他所出版的其他書(如”Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President”)、U.S. Government Printing Office所出版的九大冊”Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Jimmy Carter, 1977-81”、美國國家安全會議已解密的資料、他當年一些主要的國安與外交官員所出版的回憶錄或傳記，但我們今天並不準備涉及這些材料，此外，我們今天談卡特總統的對台政策，也將僅限於「白宮日記」中對台灣的記述，而不觸及對中國的記述，雖然這兩者息息相關。
二
卡特「白宮日記」("White House Diary Jimmy Carter")於2010年由Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York出版。
我們現在按日期(即記載)的先後，把卡特「白宮日記」中對台灣的記述抄錄出來:
2/21/1977
Constant leaks of sensitive information---much of which was often distorted ---were to plague us during the entire term. Government officials with special interests---the awarding of defense contracts or the political status of Taiwan, to name just two examples---were eager to use their knowledge of inside information to further their causes.
這一段的記載說，他的政府內部敏感的資訊經常被洩露，與台灣的政治地位有關的訊息就是其中之一，原因是他的政府官員中有些人在這方面有特殊的利益，他們希望運用這些內幕消息，來增進他們自己的causes。
3/18/1977
I told Bill Scranton [former governor of Pennsylvania and ambassador to the United Nations] if we could have the Chinese agree not to solve the Taiwan question with force that we would try to bring about normal relationships with the People’s Republic.
這一段顯示，卡特在此時已經有美國應與中國關係正常化(建交)的想法，但他要中方同意他開的「不以武力解決台灣問題」的條件。
8/5/1977
Had lunch with the Joint Chiefs of Staff to let them know that I needed their advice re normalizing relationship with China. They all agreed, provided we could continue to trade and supply arms to Taiwan.
聯參會的軍方巨頭們同意美中關係正常化，倘若美國能繼續軍售台灣。
4/21/1978
The Hornes [Billy and Irene Horne, personal Georgia friends] came by to try to talk to me about Taiwan. I told them it was a serious mistake for Taiwan to give my friends expensive things such as trips and it was inappropriate to act as an ambassador for me or for the Taiwanese.
這一段顯示，台灣當局已偵知美國政府即將與所謂的「中華民國政府」斷交，所以極力拉攏卡特的喬治亞親友，希望透過他們來拉攏卡特，但卡特並不吃這一套。
為了讓讀者了解，他在這段記述下面加了一段解說:
As the prospects for normalizing our relationship with China improved (eight months later, we formally established diplomatic relations), the leaders of Taiwan began to pour favors---such as free trips, lodging, and expensive gifts---on our closed friends and relatives in the hope that they would secure my continued support. Rosalynn and I forbade any immediate member of our family to be seduced, but there is still a small Taiwanese garden on Main Street in Plains, donated during that year. (那時，高雄市與卡特的祖居地平原市結為姊妹市，高雄市並在該地建了一個台灣園。)
5/12/1978
We had a regular foreign affairs breakfast and discussed normalization with China this year. Our selling arms to Taiwan and our uncontradicted statement concerning a peaceful resolution of the P.R.C.-Taiwan issue would be mandatory.
卡特決定在1978年與中國建交，但中台問題的和平解決與對台軍售是mandatory的前提。
9/19/1978
I had an interesting meeting with Ambassador Chai Tse-min, from China. There are obvious compatibilities between the two [nations] if we want to normalize relations. The key issue from our side is that we will continue to sell defensive weapons to Taiwan, and we would make a public statement that the issue should be settled by peaceful means. We would expect China not to contradict this in an aggravating way.
卡特與中國派駐華盛頓的辦事處代表柴澤民談美中建交的條件，這兩個條件上面已提過。
12/15/1978
The big day for the China announcement. We were favorably impressed with Teng and the rapidity with which he moved and agreed to accept our one-year treaty with Taiwan, our statement that the Taiwan issue should be settled peacefully would not be contradicted by China, and that we would sell defensive weapons to Taiwan after the treaty expires.
卡特說他對鄧小平很快就接受美方的條件一事印象深刻。[這些條件後來就載入「台灣關係法」]
3/7/1979
I instructed Vance to hold firm on Taiwan legislation. If it violates my commitments to China, I will have to veto it, leaving it illegal to deal with Taiwan.
這一段談到「台灣關係法」的立法。
卡特在下面又加註，他說:
I was in control of this situation because I had presidential authority to form new ties to China and sever the treaty relationships with Taiwan. The Congress, meanwhile, had more limited authority: they could pass legislation that authorized our country to continue trade and commerce with Taiwan, but only as a province of China.
卡特這一段後來加上的註解犯下極嚴重的錯誤，他竟將台灣視為「中國的一省」。所以，我們必須研究他與他的國安顧問是否與中方有賣台的密約。
卡特將台灣視為「中國的一省」的說法與「台灣關係法」立法記錄中所顯示的行政與立法部門「台灣法律地位未定」的共識與認知產生了矛盾。
立法記錄這麼說:
The [Carter ]Administration has stated that it recognizes the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as the sole legal government of China. It has also acknowledged the Chinese position that Taiwan is a part of China, BUT THE UNITED STATES HAS NOT ITSELF AGREED TO THIS POSITION. The bill submitted by the Administration TAKES NO POSITION ON THE STATUS OF TAIWAN UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW, but does regard Taiwan as a country for purposes of U.S. domestic law. The bill assumes that any benefits to be conferred on Taiwan by statute may be conferred WITHOUT REGARD TO TAIWAN’S INTERNATIONAL LEGAL IDENTITY. THE LEGAL SCHOLARS CONSULTED BY THE [SENATE] COMMITTEE [ON FOREIGN RELATIONS]AGREED WITH THIS VIEW. MOST OF THESE SCHOLARS THOUGHT IT WOULD BE UNWISE TO TRY TO DEFINE TAIWAN’S INTERNATIONAL STATUS. [註: 大寫字是我自己打的，目的是為了要強調那幾個關鍵字。]
11/30/1979
We won our Taiwan treaty appellate court decision, certifying that I had the right to terminate the treaty.
12/13/1979
The Supreme Court ruled with me on the abrogation of the Taiwan treaty.
上面這兩段記載指出，卡特在哥倫比亞特區聯邦上訴法院與聯邦最高法院贏了官司(Goldwater v. Carter)，法院判決行政部門有權與所謂的「中華民國政府」斷絕外交關係並廢除「美蔣共同防禦條約」。
台灣建州運動發起人周威霖
David C. Chou
Founder, Formosa Statehood Movement
(an organization devoted in current stage to making Taiwan a territorial commonwealth of the United States)
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