關於
The Formosa Statehood Movement was founded by David C. Chou in 1994. It advocates Taiwan become a territory of the United States, leading to statehood.
簡介
[台灣建州運動]在1994年被周威霖與他的同志們在台灣建立, 這個運動主張[台灣人民在美國政府所認為的適當時機, 透過自決與公投, 加入美國], 第一個階段先讓台灣成為美國的領地, 第二階段再經一次公投成為美國一州.

[台灣成為美國的領地]是台灣前途解決的[中程解決方案], 在台灣成為美國領地之後, 經過一段時間, 台灣領地人民再來進行第二次的公投, 那時公投的選項當然可以包括[台灣成為美國一州].[台灣獨立建國].[台灣繼續做為美國的領地]及其它的方案.

[台灣建州運動]現階段極力主張與強力推動[台灣成為美國的領地], 這應該是 [反國民黨統治當局及中國聯手偷竊台灣主權] 的所有台灣住民目前最好的選擇.

在[舊金山和約]中被日本拋棄的台灣主權至今仍在美國政府的政治監護之中, [台灣建州運動]決心與台灣住民. 台美人.美國政府及美國人民一起捍衛台灣主權, 並呼籲台灣住民將台灣主權正式交給美利堅合眾國, 以維護並促進台灣人民與美國的共同利益.

2015年6月14日 星期日

預祝台派、綠營與親綠的候選人在各選區擊敗親中的丑類,為2016年「贏回台灣,固守台灣」的戰役揭開勝利的序幕

預祝台派、綠營與親綠的候選人在各選區擊敗親中的丑類,為2016年「贏回台灣,固守台灣」的戰役揭開勝利的序幕


美國的平面媒體今天有出報,我首先閱讀「華爾街日報」,我翻遍它的主要Section,都沒找到有關台灣選舉的報導,連頭版的What’s News小區塊與A9版的World Watch小區塊裡頭,都無半紙隻字,更別說Ms. Jenny Hsu的報導了,這真是有點令人不解。

但其他一、兩家主流媒體沒有忽略或漏掉台灣選舉這個重要的事件與新聞。




我們先來讀「紐約時報」的報導,如同往昔,我們只做重點翻譯或意譯,但由於我們已介紹過Julian Baum在The Christian Science Monitor電子報中所做的報導,所以,與他的報導有近似或相同的內容,我們也不準備再為鄉親做翻譯或意譯。

“Mayor’s Race Could Alter Balance of Political Power in Taiwan”
By AUSTIN RAMZY
The New York Times
NOV. 28, 2014

TAIPEI, Taiwan — A doctor and political novice is favored to win Taipei’s mayoral election on Saturday, one of many races in which Taiwan’s governing party faces the prospect of its most serious setback in years.

A victory for the blunt-talking, 55-year-old physician, Ko Wen-je, would be a sharp defeat for the governing party in a city long considered its stronghold, and in a job that often becomes a springboard to the presidency.

The local elections come halfway through President Ma Ying-jeou’s final term as president, during a year in which his governing Kuomintang, or Chinese Nationalist Party, has faced large-scale protests over its pursuit of closer ties with China, and food-safety scandals that have inflamed antigovernment anger.

In the race for Taipei mayor, the governing party’s candidate is Sean Lien, a 44-year-old former investment banker whose father, Lien Chan, served as Taiwan’s premier and vice president. While his connections helped him win the party’s nomination, they have done little to bolster his standing against Mr. Ko.

Mr. Ko is running as an independent, though his political views generally align with the independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party, the main opposition party. The D.P.P. is not fielding a candidate in the race and has thrown its support behind him. His campaign has focused on encouraging civic participation and trying to transcend the divide between the Kuomintang and those who favor closer ties with China, and the D.P.P. and others who support an independent Taiwan.

Accentuating his image as an outsider, Mr. Ko eschews a suit and tie for a collared shirt in most campaign appearances. His inexperience in government led many to believe that his lead in opinion polls would eventually evaporate in the face of the Kuomintang’s well-developed party apparatus.

But Mr. Lien, who also lacks government experience, has failed to capitalize on his opponent’s weaknesses, despite his political pedigree.

He has emphasized economic themes, touting his investment experience and work as chairman of the company that manages Taipei’s smartcard system for public transit and other services. But his family connections and personal wealth have hurt him at a time when the public is increasingly concerned about the gap between rich and poor, said Lin Jih-wen, a political scientist at Academia Sinica, a state-funded research institute in Taipei. [(台奸連戰的兒子)連勝文的權貴子弟背景,雖然讓他贏得中國國民黨內的初選,但在正式的選舉中,卻反而傷害他,因為大眾對貧富不均的問題日益關切。]

“He’s too young, too inexperienced and doesn’t seem to understand the ordinary lives of people in Taipei,” Mr. Lin said. [(這個台奸的兒子)太年輕,太欠缺經驗與閱歷,也不知民間疾苦。]

Elections in Taiwan can be difficult to predict, with opinion polls sometimes overstating the support for the D.P.P. and other pro-independence parties. Nonetheless, Mr. Ko has consistently maintained a double-digit lead.

The race has implications beyond Taipei, Taiwan’s capital and largest city. Each of the last three presidents has previously served as mayor of Taipei, and the election has included national concerns, especially Taiwan’s relationship with China, which claims Taiwan as its own.

This spring, demonstrators opposed to the Kuomintang’s support of a free-trade deal with China, which critics said would have given China greater influence over Taiwan’s economy, took to the streets and occupied the national legislature for more than three weeks.

Mr. Lien, who met the Chinese president, Xi Jinping, in Beijing last year, has been attacked by the opposition for favoring stronger ties with China. [連某在去年春,還在北京見了習某,反對陣營一直因連某贊成與中國建立較強的連繫而加以攻擊。]

“Lien is simply unable to convince that he is anything but what he is, a privileged princeling from one of Taiwan’s richest and politically powerful families,” said Jonathan Sullivan, a China scholar at the University of Nottingham. “Lien’s halfhearted attempts to appear down to earth have been followed by gaffes revealing his status and thinking.”

After coming under repeated attack for his family’s wealth, Mr. Lien responded in a campaign brochure that the Buddha “was a prince who enlightened people.” While his point was that family background did not predetermine policy, his comparing himself to the Buddha was seen as grandiose.

Mr. Ko is not immune to similar criticism. As chairman of National Taiwan University Hospital’s traumatology department, he too is a member of Taiwan’s elite. And he has been gaffe-prone in campaign appearances, notably when he said one young female candidate’s appearance made her better suited to working as a receptionist. He later apologized for the comment.

“Although he is not a seasoned politician, Ko has deftly rolled with the punches and has shown an innate skill in turning Lien’s attacks against himself,” Mr. Sullivan said.

During a televised debate, when asked whether a candidate who had pro-independence leanings could serve as a high-level state official, Mr. Ko responded that it was the “cross-strait compradors,” the Kuomintang officials pursuing closer ties with China, whose patriotism should be questioned. [在一場電視辯論中,當被對手質疑傾獨的候選人是否能擔任高階官員時,柯文哲的回應是: 「台海兩岸的買辦」,亦即主張台灣與中國應該追求較緊密的關係的國民黨官員們,他們的「愛國心」(對台灣的認同與忠誠)才應該被質疑。]




接下來建州運動請鄉親們閱讀洛杉磯時報的一篇報導:

“Taiwan’s ruling party faces major test”

By RALPH JENNINGS
THE LOS ANGELES TIMES
11/28/2014

---The elections in Taiwan this Saturday are only local races, but China is watching them nervously, analysts say

Taiwan's ruling Nationalist Party will test its popularity in midterm elections Saturday after six years of leading the island to landmark deals with longtime adversary China.

Losses for the Nationalists, or Kuomintang, would indicate dwindling support for the central government led by President Ma Ying-jeou and weaken the party's 2016 presidential bid. The Nationalists are campaigning against an opposition party that advocates a more guarded approach to China, which has claimed sovereignty over self-ruled Taiwan since Chiang Kai-shek's forces retreated from the mainland in 1949. [在這次選舉中,中國國民黨的主要對手是

 一個主張要對中國採取一個較為保守與警戒的政策的反對黨,這個中國對蔣介石在1949年起流亡的、自治的台灣主張主權。]

Beijing sees the trade, transit and investment deals signed under Ma's party as steps toward unification. Taiwan looks to them as boosters for its export-driven, half-trillion-dollar economy. [北京把它與馬(賣台)政權所簽署的貿易、三通與投資的協議視為併吞台灣的步驟。]

If the opposition Democratic Progressive Party sweeps the weekend races or takes the presidency in 2016, relations with China could spin into reverse, with probable economic repercussions.

"If Beijing takes this weekend's results to mean the opposition party is likely to return to power in 2016, it will hold back on any more goodies or sweeteners for Taipei during President Ma Ying-jeou's final 18 months in office," said Sean King, senior vice president at consulting firm Park Strategies in New York and Taipei. "That's because a future opposition government would inherit these wins, and Beijing would then be in a position of having to reverse or revoke them."

Ma took office in 2008 and was reelected in 2012 on pledges to stoke the economy through deals with China. He contends that 21 agreements to date have added jobs and increased trade while giving Taiwan more space to pursue economic deals with other governments after decades of isolation imposed by China before the two sides began talking.

Ruling party popularity tumbled in March when university students led a 24-day occupation of parliament to stop ratification of a service trade liberalization deal, the farthest-reaching agreement so far between China and Taiwan. The protest group calling itself the Sunflower Movement swelled outside parliament as tens of thousands questioned the idea of signing deals with the rival of 65 years.

China has remained neutral on Saturday's vote, but analysts say the communist government is nervous about the results.

Campaigning is reaching a peak this week as 19,762 candidates vie for offices from mayor of Taiwan's 2.6-million-person capital, Taipei, down to the heads of boroughs of less than a square mile.

Nationalists acknowledge struggles to keep seats in Taipei, the northern port city of Keelung and the major central city of Taichung, but they call those battles local matters, which are not about the presidency and relations with Beijing.

"Election situations in three cities we could say are in a state of crisis, but that's not because of the direction of central government policies, [but] rather due to the special characters of the candidates," party spokesman Charles Chen said.

(Jennings is a special correspondent.)



「台奸的兒子」連某不可能勝選,但不管結果如何,他與他身邊的人都極可能會對馬英九進行逼宮,迫馬某讓出黨主席的位子。當年被塗抹成「溫良恭儉讓」的馬某先後逼李登輝與連戰讓出中國國民黨主席的寶座,因此,馬某應該知道 ,遲早會有人師法他的故智,對他進行逼宮與羞辱。我們台灣人與台美人要注意的是,誰將奪得這個「聯共制台」的中國國民黨的主席的寶座,是被習某公開讚揚與欽點的「一號台奸」連家嗎?

台灣建州運動發起人周威霖
David C. Chou
Founder, Formosa Statehood Movement
(an organization devoted in current stage to making Taiwan a territorial commonwealth of the United States)

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