從蔣軍第21師屠殺台灣人，談到四川大地震，再談到慈濟

從蔣軍第21師屠殺台灣人，談到四川大地震，再談到慈濟

第一部分

這幾天，由於台北市長柯文哲與佛教慈濟教派的釋昭慧法師因慈濟內湖園區的處置隔空交火，慈濟的本質、作風、組織、財產、活動與運作因而被台灣的媒體與民眾進行了一次嚴格的檢驗，建州運動與建州派至今在這場論辯與討論中缺席，其中一個最主要的原因是，我們對慈濟的了解(特別是第一手的觀察與了解)非常有限，加上它是一個建築在宗教之上的民間慈善團體與公益機構，所以討論起來，稍一不慎，就可能會觸動廣大慈濟信徒的神經並引起不必要的誤會與反彈。

建州運動主張宗教信仰自由與政教分離，我們也鼓勵各種宗教、教派及宗教機構、團體興辦與經營教育、慈善與公益事業，不過，不管教育、慈善與公益事業的宗旨與目的有多崇高，它們畢竟都是由人在運轉與操作，而人與人所組成的團體畢竟不完美，不管是否自稱或被尊稱為活佛、上人、尊者、前人、喇嘛、教宗、imam或mullah，因此，宗教、教育、慈善與公益事業也一樣要接受輿論與法律的監督，一樣要接受公序、良俗、倫理與道德的檢驗。

第二部分

這幾天，也正好是幾十年前(1947年)六百三十萬台灣人遭到中國人大屠殺的紀念日、紀念週與紀念月，而當年來屠戮台灣人的中國武裝部隊係以在中國四川省汶川及綿陽等地所招募的四川人所組成的蔣軍第21師為主力部隊。

2008年5月，汶川與綿陽地區發生災情十分慘重的大地震，在該年2月27日被中國政府核准成立的「慈濟慈善事業基金會」拿著台灣人所捐助的巨額善款去救助中國的災民。

讓我們這樣說，我們在這件事的確有意見，因為: 第一，救災主要是中國政府與四川政府必須承擔的責任，不是跟台灣人拿善款的慈濟的責任。第二，因為中國人懷有併吞台灣的野心，而且絕不放棄武力犯台，所以中國是台灣人的敵國，台灣人無需對中國人太仁慈，台灣人若對多數對台灣懷有領土野心的中國人太仁慈，那就是天真與濫情，天真與濫情不值得鼓勵。第三，懷有稱霸世界的野心的中國大肆擴軍與建軍，國防建軍的預算每年都以二位數的數字在成長，台海兩岸的軍力平衡早就向中方大量傾斜，所以慈濟從台灣人身上搞到的鈔票大把地用在中國災民的身上，就形同幫中國政府減少社會救助與社會福利的預算，而北京政權就可以有更多的預算用來製造與佈署飛彈，來恐嚇、威脅與屠殺台灣人。第四，在2008年，美國已發生金融海嘯與經濟的嚴重不景氣，美國人與世人都普遍認為美國(保護台灣的國家)已「日薄西山」，而中國人則囂張狂妄起來，自以為即將取代美國，成為世界的新霸主，慈濟把台灣人所捐助的大把鈔票拿去奉送給不可一世與囂張狂妄的中國，這在政治上十分不智，也許有人會說，宗教、慈善與愛心無國界，但我們很難茍同。第五，中國的貪官污吏(包括習近平家族、王歧山、薄熙來、曾慶紅、溫家寶等)及暴發戶都把搜括與聚斂所得的財產(多半高達數百億美元，數額驚人)搬到國外，他們並沒有救助中國的災民，慈濟卻拿台灣人的善款去救助中國災民，這看起來十分值得議論與檢討。　

底下是慈濟的文宣資料 ：

「慈濟慈善事業基金會」 - 震盪中的人間至情-四川大地震災後重建

//2008 年 5 月 12 日發生四川汶川大地震，重創鄉親的生命、財產與家園。天災無情，人間有愛。慈濟本著人道關懷精神，以 “ 人傷我痛，人苦我悲 ” 的心情，在災難發生當日即成立賑災協調中心，為血脈同源的受災鄉親，展開賑災後勤及物資籌措等工作。

5 月 14 日，第一批勘災人員與救援物資就已抵達災區，展開送關懷、煮熱食、義診、急難生活物資致贈等急難援助工作，災後三個月，合計提供熱食服務超過 818,500 人次；義診、往診、理髮服務超過 45,000 人次；並提供 19,757 戶，54,459 人急難生活物資。

震災過後，教育刻不容緩。因此，慈濟在地震後 2 個月內，完成了什邡市、綿陽市六所中學、小學及幼兒園，合計 93 間簡易教室及 92 間學生宿舍的援建工程，創造施工快捷但綠化景觀完善的階段性教育環境，讓師生迅速恢復正常的教學環境。並為災區九間寺廟興建了簡易宿舍，讓法師災後安身。

延續至今的慈濟四川專案長期重建項目，包括十三所校園重建 “ 希望工程 ” ，為下一代打造安穩的教育殿堂；援建中江縣富興鎮光明村 91 戶 “ 大愛屋 ” ，為災民建家園、安生活；而為長期服務鄉親所興建的，位於什邡市洛水鎮及綿竹市漢旺鎮的 “ 慈濟服務中心 ” ，分別在 2008 年 12 月、 2009 年 2 月完工，慈濟志願工作者接力前往關懷鄉親從未間斷，而鄉親們展現的熱誠與愛鄉愛土地的活力，更使兩所服務中心在社區鄰里間，發揮資源回收、環境保護、關懷鄰里、和諧社會的積極作用。 //

第三部分

建州運動在每年的二月或三月份都會發表紀念二二八事件或三月大屠殺的文章，我們在三年前發表的那一篇很有參考價值，我們現在把它重貼出來，讓鄉親們參考。

「65年前的3月，中國軍在台灣大開殺戒，台灣血流成河，鬼哭神嚎 」
(3/8/2012發表)

一

幾年來已有點淪為行禮如儀的「二二八大屠殺紀念日」，由於今年有一名白目的老軍頭郝大眉不甘寂寞，大發謬論，又被注入了一點活水，給這個紀念日又帶來一點新的意義。

對於郝大眉的謬論，曾被中國人屠殺與羞辱的台灣人及他們的子孫聽了，不知是要哭還是要笑，不知是要詛咒還是要感謝，總之，有了這個白目的老軍頭，我們台灣人今年又特別感到傷痛。

一個民族沒有忘記傷痛，沒有忘記恥辱，理論上說，比較可能有前進與發展的動力。「南京大屠殺」對中國人而言，可能是驅策他們發展與前進的部分動力，所以當有日本人否定或淡化「南京大屠殺」時，中國人總是群情激憤，同樣地，當有「在台灣的高級中國人」發出「二二八死亡人數不超過五百人，而且其中還有中國人」的謬論時，我們相信，大部分台灣人的心情與神經也都會被攪動起來。

從台灣意識的型塑的角度來看，現在中國人對台灣人的壓迫與侵凌、中國人對台灣的領土與主權的主張、在台的中國人及一些台灣敗類的親中賣台言行、還有郝軍頭那種白目與無知的言論，都會對台灣意識的型塑起到正面的作用，都會為台灣意識的形塑做出貢獻，所以，從這個角度看，我們台灣人還真應感謝郝軍頭、中國帝國主義者以及那些忝不知恥的台灣親中敗類。

二

台灣人紀念二二八，都集中在每年的2月28日，但其實三月份才是台灣人應該好好紀念與追思的月份，因為在1947年3月8日，蔣介石派遣大軍登陸台灣的基隆與高雄，在原來就駐紮與佔領(代表盟軍佔領)台灣的毫無人性的蔣軍(如駐紮在高雄的屠夫彭孟緝)與特務、還有台灣一些無恥的半山鷹犬的配合下，對沒有做好準備、手無寸鐵、純真憨厚、不了解中國人的陰狠、毒辣與兇殘的台灣人大開殺戒。

「台灣建州運動」建議，今後每年台灣人在台灣人的政治組織與民間組織的集體決議下，從每年的3月8日或3月10日起，從基隆市開始，從北到南，每個縣市的台灣人輪流齋戒一天，以紀念為台灣人出頭而被中國人殺害以及被噬血的中國軍殺害的無辜台灣民眾(從當年失蹤的人數及有跡可考的被害者人數來推估，慘死在蔣軍刀槍之下的台灣人應達十餘萬) 。

台灣人如此被大規模的屠殺，但後代子孫卻只紀念他們一天，這看起來是不夠的，也有點不痛不癢，有點虛應故事，但今天是工商業的社會，加上我們台灣人現在又面臨兇惡的國共的夾擊，稍一不慎，我們就會覆亡，所以我們也不宜把太多時間用在紀念這件事之上，想來想去，每個縣市的台灣人來輪流齋戒紀念，恐怕是最好以及最有意義的辦法。

光齋戒是不夠的，建州派建議，從南到北，每個縣市的台灣人輪流進行比武，項目可以包括柔道、摔跤、跆拳、劍道、劍擊、射箭、射擊、馬術等等，台灣人太過懦弱，我們必須開始培養台灣人的尚武精神，一個沒有尚武精神的台灣民族不可能站起來，也不可能在國共的夾擊下存活。

三

建州派現在請鄉親們來讀一篇在網路上已流通幾年、目前已有不少人讀過的一篇好文。我們尚不知該文原作者是誰，也不知他是否做過嚴格的考證工作。不過，他這篇文章可以合理地解釋來台進行鎮壓的中國軍或蔣軍為何會如此兇殘(該文作者把來台屠殺台灣人的川軍與四川大地震連結在一起，這顯示了作者與台灣人的無奈，因為那些對台灣人犯下滔天大罪的中國人迄今都沒有被台灣人以戰爭罪及genocide罪加以追訴及懲處，所以，只有以天道循環及因果報應之說來尋求慰藉) 。

「川震與川軍21師」 
(Posted on 5/16/2008, http://tw.myblog.yahoo.com/motionsteady-magna/article…)

//四川8.0級大地震的罹難人數持續增加，預估死亡在五萬人以上。災區綿陽、汶川一帶成為人間煉獄，倖存傷重者斷手斷腳，很多家庭失去唯一子女，斷絕後嗣。

其實川災現在的慘況，在六十年前的台灣也出現過，而且和現在的川震受害區人民有關！這是巧合還是歷史的因果？

1895年日本帝國在甲午戰爭中擊敗中國滿清，台灣被日本併吞，台灣人拿起鋤頭抵抗日軍無效，只好任人宰割。1937年中日戰爭爆發，中國無法抵抗，蔣中正的國民政府退守四川。幸經美國參戰，兩顆原子彈使日本在1945年無條件投降。蔣中正派陳儀接收台灣。

因為台灣曾經是日本入侵中國的基地，而且最後一年台灣人也被迫加入日本軍，所以中國人相當痛恨台灣人，所以當時來台灣的中國人都是抱著劫收的心態而來，一般的中國人並不屑來台，有些則是因畏懼日本人的心態而不敢來台，所以敢來台灣的陳儀等人都是一群貪狠無饜之徒。

由於陳儀等人日夜不停地劫取台灣資源，原本是東南亞第一工業、農業大區的台灣竟然開始出現糧荒和通貨膨脹，失業人數急劇增加，而且台灣人都無法在公家單位任要職。

民國35年後，毛澤東撕毀合約，國共內戰爆發，中共因為在東北接收日本關東軍精良武器，而且也得到蘇聯軍援，所以軍事力量已足以和國府軍抗衡。而國府軍卻在陳誠建議下裁軍，原本四百萬大軍只剩156萬，很多退伍軍人窮途潦倒，反而加入共軍。於是蔣介石在內戰中陷入苦戰，投共國軍皆高喊［殺陳誠以謝天下］，因此共軍士氣高昂！

由於內戰膠著，國軍所需大量米、糖、黃金源源不絕自台灣運至大陸，當時自金瓜石挖走的黃金年以百噸計，米、糖以千萬噸計，台灣人頓時成為饑民，只好摘地瓜葉和野菜吃。

36年228事件終於爆發，原本只是遊行抗議，卻因為陳儀下令開槍而使事情擴大，當時陳儀擁有的武力並不多，有柯遠芬、彭孟緝、史宏熹、張慕陶等部，由於武器精良，所以軍隊人數雖少，但殺傷力卻大。陳儀等人似乎是殺出癮來了，所以決定擴大成全台屠殺規模，於是向蔣介石報告［全島皆亂民］、連下數十通電報要蔣派兩大軍來。

蔣介石哪有兵派來台灣呀！當時裁剩的156萬國府軍，投入華北、東北戰場的就多達一百多萬，剩下的都是分散在各省單位的駐防部隊，所以蔣介石只好向各省徵兵，竟然沒有部隊願開往台灣。最後蔣介石答應要提供武器和裝備，終於有四川綿陽三台縣人劉雨卿自告奮勇。

當年因為裁軍，劉雨卿成為空頭的掛名21師師長，為了趁機擴張實力，所以劉雨卿向蔣委員長毛遂自薦，蔣因為自己的嫡系部隊都已投入東北、華北戰場，只好答應‘雜牌’將領劉雨卿的請纓。
　 
劉雨卿興高采烈地從上海趕回故鄉四川綿陽，招募三台、武都、北川、汶川、都江堰、德陽、成都等地川人，遊說他們加入整編21師將有享不完的榮華富貴。在那個資源匱乏的年代，從軍倒也是圖個溫飽的好途徑，雖然台灣遠在一千七百公里外，但是從軍的川人竟然也達一萬多人。

劉雨卿興沖沖領著整編21 師趕赴上海，劉向蔣請領武器，蔣看到這些留著長頭髮、面目猙獰、形貌猥瑣的川軍很不滿意，只給了劉雨卿600枝手槍，說是維持台灣秩序已足矣。
　 
劉雨卿悻悻然帶著整編21師到台灣，自基隆登陸，陳儀相當高興，知道他們只有600枝手槍後，立刻打開接收自日本的武器庫，機關槍、步槍、手榴彈…應有盡有，並特別交代［全島皆亂民］、［格殺勿論］等等。
　 
於是川軍21師展開大屠殺，殺到最後已昇華為狩獵活動，發展出各種不必用子彈的屠殺方式，於是很多人都被用刀削去手、腳、陽具，挖眼、割鼻、切耳、手腳穿鐵絲和強姦放火等等，國民黨主席吳伯雄的大伯吳鴻麒屍體被發現時陽具已被割去，睪丸破裂,五官殘缺不全。由於台灣人組成的［二七部隊］大多是學生，所以年輕人大量被屠殺，屍體堵塞河流，大多是十幾個人一起被鐵絲貫穿雙掌，陽具都被利刀削斷，推落河中活活淹死，有些則是被鐵絲貫穿臉頰，推落自己挖的土坑中活埋，比日軍南京大屠殺還有創意。台人雖然躲著不敢外出，但肚子總是會餓，不得不偷偷出來覓食，於是21師玩起狩獵遊戲，掩藏在遠處，等到台人以為安全而出門時便冷不妨從遠處狙擊，以此取樂，自比為獵鹿人。台人不會說北京話時會被當街槍斃或砍殺成殘，女孩則會被圍起來當眾輪姦。21師在平地殺過癮後，腦筋竟動起住在山上的原住民，於是原住民也被捲入這場屠殺之中，以阿里山的鄒族受害最烈，幾乎滅族，只剩一百多人.這群長頭髮的川軍頓時使台灣成為煉獄，一直屠殺到5月12日才殺到有點累了，屠殺人數預估在十幾萬，3天後首任省主席魏道明宣布解除戒嚴。
　 
陳儀向蔣中正報告整編21師表現良好，於是蔣中正把劉雨卿的整編21師擴充為21軍，鎮守長江咽喉鎮江到江陰一線。1949年4月20日共軍百萬發動［渡江戰役］，面對殘忍兇狠的21軍，共軍一時無法攻下江陰，於是找出先前在三大戰役中俘虜的投降台籍兵，跟他們說鎮守江陰的正是228大屠殺的川軍21軍，台籍降兵頓時哭天嗆地，發誓要殲滅21軍，於是奮勇搶進，竟將21軍包圍，除軍長劉雨卿早就落跑外，21軍被機關槍全殲。5月12日結束渡江戰役。（巧合川震日) 
　 
劉雨卿逃往上海市湯恩伯軍處，隨湯軍二十萬眾來台，過著［幸福快樂］的日子，也許因為228大屠殺首謀未伏誅，才牽連家鄉川民死於這次百年難得一見的世紀大地震吧! //

四

關於台灣人在1947年的抗暴與起義及「二二八大屠殺」，在美國人葛超智(柯喬治George H. Kerr, 1911-1992)「被出賣的台灣」(Formosa Betrayed)一書中有很詳盡的描述。許多台灣人與台美人都讀過這本書的英文本或漢譯本，建州派建議台灣人要人手一冊，並加以熟讀，我們也建議台灣的父老兄姊要鼓勵或指定他們的兒孫閱讀，大家不妨讓自己的兒孫在進入第十年級時就閱讀，台灣人及台美人的團體不妨每年舉辦「被出賣的台灣」的讀後感寫作比賽。比賽可分高中組與大學組兩級，這本書是紀念台灣人的國殤的聖經，我們台灣人要世世代代地傳下來並仔細研讀，就好比我們在研讀聖經一樣。

根據「被出賣的台灣」一書，我們可以知道當年美國派駐在台灣的領事館的官員們對起來抗暴的台灣人很同情，而且也願意提供協助，不過，很顯然，他們在南京(美國駐中國大使館)及在華盛頓(美國國務院)的上司持有不同的看法，這導致台灣人孤立無援，且最終被中國人殺戮。我們今天看來，當年美國的國務院與白宮對蔣軍來台鎮壓與殺戮一事，似乎沒有加以干預，這就是蔣介石、陳儀、劉雨卿、柯遠芬這些劊子手與殺人魔可以放手屠殺台灣人的最重要的原因之一(建州派要提醒台灣人鄉親，切莫因為當年美國政府沒有進行干預，因而孳生反美或仇美情緒，我們今天的台灣人只能對當年美國政府沒有出面干預表示遺憾)。

在「二二八大屠殺」之後(零星殺戮還在進行)，柯喬治給美國駐南京的大使館寫了一篇完整的報告，這篇最終上呈美國國務卿的報告由大使館的W. Walton Butterworth具名，建州派現在請鄉親們來讀其中的一部分。

The Foreign Service
of the
United States of America

No. 659

Secret

American Embassy
Nanking, China
April 21, 1947

Subject: Transmission of Memorandum on Taiwan

To the Honorable the Secretary of State, Washington
From W. Walton Butterworth, Minister-Counselor of Embassy
Memorandum on the Situation in Taiwan
April 18, 1947

Background

The Formosan Chinese greeted the surrender of Japanese authority to the Chinese with immense enthusiasm on October 25, 1945. After fifty years under Japanese control and intensive economic development they welcomed a return to China, which they had idealized as the "Mother Country". The richness of the island and the relatively light population pressure had made rapid economic and social developments possible. Agriculture, food processing and light industry in the best years produced an overseas trade valued at U.S. $225,000,000. To improve Taiwan's economic value the Japanese had raised the general standard of living. Public health standards were high and literacy widely spread among the masses. Formosans had come to place a high value on orderly procedures in the courts and on the orderly enforcement and observance of government regulations, for they found order both profitable and necessary in a complex and semi-industrialized economy.

With the removal of the Japanese the Formosans looked forward to a return to profitable trade and an expansion of their already established industries, with the markets of China ready to receive all that they could produce. The surpluses which had always gone to Japan would now, they thought, go to China. They expected to return to control of the properties taken from them by the Japanese through fifty years and expected a larger share in the management of their own enterprises. Under pressure of the Japanese overlords who were alien to Taiwan, they had developed an island-wide sense of social solidarity. They were free of all internal political strife. The Japanese had rigorously excluded all Communist influence and activity, and had indeed filled the people with fear, dislike and distrust of Communist doctrines. They revered the Generalissimo, believed the Three people’s Principles meant new opportunities, and looked forward expectantly to participation In the Central Government. The year 1946 was one of increasing disappointment. Though the majority of petty officials, clerks and office boys of the new Administration were Formosans, they were virtually excluded from all important government offices and from important administrative posts.

The legal necessity to place all confiscated Japanese properties and enterprises under Government control led to the creation of syndicates and combines in every field in which the Japanese had had an interest. Though the Government owns (and must heavily subsidize) these companies, the salaried and privileged administrators are in a position to squeeze freely. It is alleged that raw and finished materials and agricultural products find their way into the hands of unscrupulous officials for their use in private trading and smuggling Judging from Taiwan's former capacity to produce and the fact that its enterprises continue, qualified Formosans estimate that published records show only one-tenth of actual receipts. As an example, it is alleged by persons formerly connected with the Department of Agriculture and Forestry that fishing boats were withdrawn from their normal bases in 1940 and were used for smuggling in the interest of the authorities concerned.

Formosans have been virtually excluded from the higher levels of economic administration. These persistent allegations of corruption lead them to place responsibility on members of the Government who appear and reappear in lucrative posts as Commissioners, members of Committees, and Directors in a manner which concentrates full control of the total economy in the hands of a clique close to the Governor.

There was a progressive decline in Formosan economic enterprise, especially where there was competition with ex-Japanese interest. Unemployment among Formosans has progressively increased, either through direct discharge (frequently to make room for unqualified newcomers) or by the suspension or abolition of various established enterprises which failed to be profitable under the new management. Whereas about 50,000 Formosans had been employed normally in industrial work, by January 1947 UNRRA officials estimated that less than 5,000 were so employed. Whereas the top government officials created a Taiwan Industrial and Mining Enterprises Syndicate with a capital of two billion Taiwan yen, in which the Commissioners and their associates play leading roles, the Department of Mining and Industry announced an appropriation of only eight million Taiwan yen for loans in aid of private (i. e. Formosan) Industrial enterprises after June 1946.

The Quarantine Service broke down and the Public Health Service was badly shattered. Cholera epidemics occurred for the first time in about 80 years: bubonic plague appeared after an even longer absence. Educational standards in the schools were markedly lowered. Friction spread through the schools between Formosans and mainland students and teachers. Trouble between mainland police and local petty officials increased. The press was filled with public charges and counter-charges of corruption and lawless acts among government officers. Formosans claimed that corruption and nepotism among mainland officials increased rather than abated during the year. The cost of living soared. Bank of Taiwan wholesale commodity price indices snow advance as follows from November 1945 to January 1947: foodstuffs 3,328 to 21,058; clothing 5,741 to 24,483; fuel 963 to 14,091; fertilizers 139 to 37,559; building materials 949 to 13,612 (Pre-war June 1937 is used as a basis) Prices shot up most rapidly during February 1947. These figures on the whole reflect the drain of Taiwan wealth from the island, with little or no return to it.

THE FEBRUARY INCIDENT

Spontaneous protest and unorganized riots

On the evening of February 27 certain armed Monopoly Bureau agents and special police agents set upon and beat a female cigarette vendor, who with her two small children had protested the seizure of her small cash as well as her allegedly untaxed cigarettes. She is reported to have died soon after as a result of the beating at police hands. An angered crowd set after the agents, who shot at random, killing one person before they escaped into a civil police station, Their Monopoly Bureau truck and its contents were burned in the street, although the agents were allowed to be taken away, on foot and unmolested. from the police station by military police called for that purpose.

On the morning of February 28 a crowd estimated at about 2,000 marched in orderly fashion from the area in which the incident had occurred, past the American Consulate and toward the Monopoly Bureau Headquarters. Placards and banners announced that they intended to protest the action of special armed agents, to demand a death sentence for the responsible man1 and to demand the resignation of the Monopoly Bureau Director.

Unfortunately, as they made their way across the city, two Monopoly agents were discovered in a side street molesting a vendor. They were beaten to death by an angry crowd which was not taking part in the initial demonstration This happened near the Taipei Branch Monopoly Bureau Office buildings which the crowd began to sack. Its contents were burned in the streets. Mainland employee were driven out and if caught were beaten mercilessly. The crowd's anger enlarged to include employees and property of the Trading Bureau, another monopolistic organization greatly disliked. The Consul and the Vice Consul observed the orderly gathering before the Monopoly Bureau Headquarters, where no Monopoly Bureau official would receive the petition which had been brought about noon. Monopoly Bureau police and a few military police were guarding the entrances.

Meanwhile at about one o'clock someone announced to the radio audience that demands were being made on the Government to put an end to its monopolies. All Formosans were urged to support the movement.

The parade, meanwhile, left the Monopoly Bureau for the Governor's office where it was intended to present tile petition for reform. At about two o'clock it reached a wide intersection adjacent to the government grounds. Without warning a machine gun mounted somewhere on the government building opened fire, swept and dispersed the crowd and killed at least four. Two consular officers drove through the square immediately after the shots were fired. Two of the dead were picked up a few minutes later by an UNRRA officer.

This shooting was the signal for a citywide outburst of anger against all mainland Chinese, regardless of rank or occupation. Many were beaten, cars were burned and in some few cases offices and houses of minor officials were sacked and the contents burned in the street. It was observed that the Formosans refrained from looting. One Formosan was found attempting to take cigarettes from a burning heap; he was forced to kneel and beg forgiveness from the crowd and was then driven away. Another was severely beaten. Tires and other equipment were observed to have been left untouched on overturned cars, and remained in evidence until the Formosans lost control of the city March 9. Martial law was invoked in the late afternoon February 28. Armed military controls began to appear in the city, firing at random wherever they went.

On that day busses and trucks, filled with squads of government troops armed with machine guns and rifles, began to sweep through the streets, firing indiscriminately. Machine guns were set up at important intersections. Shooting grew in volume during the afternoon. At no time were Formosans observed to have arms and no instances of Formosan use of arms were reported in Taipei. Nevertheless, the military were evidently allowed free use in what appeared to be an attempt to frighten the people into obedience.

At approximately 5 o'clock, the Governor General broadcast a message which appears to have increased the anger of the people. He stated that the Monopoly Bureau incident had been settled by a generous payment of money. Without referring to the machine gun fire from his own office he accused the Formosans of increased rioting, but generously promised to lift martial law at midnight.

While he was broadcasting, members of the American Consulate staff witnessed a severe clash between armed government forces and unarmed crowds. Mounted troops had killed two pedestrians near the compound. A crowd gathered. A few hundred yards away Railway Administration special armed police suddenly opened fire from within the Administration building and killed two more pedestrians The crowd turned on any mainland Railway Bureau employee found nearby. Two more pedestrians who looked like coolies were shot about 300 feet from the Consulate gates. Then as the bodies were carried off the crowd was observed to assemble again some distance from a mounted patrol near an intersection. Suddenly, with no warning, a long burst of machine gun fire swept the area. Some of the wounded and dead were carried past the Consulate gates; it is stated reliably that at least 123 were felled by this burst and that 25 died. How many of the injured walked away is not known.

On this afternoon 25 mainland officials from the neighboring Railway Administration compound took refuge in the Consulate. Although the crowd observed them enter, no attempt was made to pursue them. They were removed eight hours later under police guard.

Organization for settlement recognized by General Chen

Spurred by fears of a military invasion, on March 6 the Settlement Committee completed its draft of items of reform which the Governor had agreed to discuss and to refer to the Central Government wherever necessary. The Committee's executive group acted as sponsors and included four members of the National P.P.C., six members of the Taiwan Provincial P.P.C., five members of the Taipei Municipal P.P.C. and two "reserve members". Everyone of these men had received the approval of the Government as P.P.C. members and represent in fact the most conservative elements in Taiwan. One is a former Consul General at San Francisco, and ex-Mayor of Taipei. The reform proposals, made possible March 7, are set forth on pages 15-18 of this despatch.

The Army’s explicit promise that the Central Government would not send troops

On March 8 Major-General Chang Wu-tao (Mu-tao), Commander of the Fourth Gendarme Regiment, at 12:00 noon called on the Settlement Committee at its headquarters. According to the press and to witnesses he made the following categorical statement:

"I can guarantee that there will be no social disturbances if the people do not try to disarm the soldiers. I want especially to report to you that the demands for political reforms in this province are very proper. The Central Government will not dispatch troops to Taiwan. I earnestly entreat the people of Taiwan not to irritate the Central Government, but to cooperate to maintain order. I can risk my life to guarantee that the Central Government will not take any military actions against Taiwan. I speak these words out of my sincere attachment to this province and to the nation. I hope Taiwan will become a model province after these political reforms." (Hsin Sheng Pao, March 9, 1947.)

The Landing of Government troops and subsequent terrorism
Foreign observers who were at Keelung March 8 state that in mid-afternoon the street of city were cleared suddenly by machine gun fire directed at no particular objects or persons. After dark ships docked and discharged the troops for which the Governor apparently had been waiting. Fairly reliable sources estimate that about 2,000 police were landed, followed by about 8,000 troops with light equipment including U. S. army jeeps. Men and equipment were rushed to Taipei. It is reported that about 3,000 men were landed at Takao simultaneously. Troops were reported continuing to arrive on March 17.

Beginning March 9, there was widespread and indiscriminate killing. Soldiers were seen bayoneting coolies without apparent provocation in front of a Consulate staff residence. Soldiers were seen to rob passersby. An old man protesting the removal of a woman from his house was seen cut down by two soldiers. The Canadian nurse in charge of an adjacent Mission Hospital was observed bravely to make seven trips under fire into the crowded area across the avenue to treat persons shot down or bayoneted, and once as she supervised the movement of a wounded man into the hospital the bearers with her were fired upon. Some of the patients brought in had been shot and hacked to pieces. Young Formosan men were observed tied together, being prodded at bayonet point toward the city limits. A Formosan woman primary school teacher attempting to reach her home was shot in the back and robbed near the Mission compound. A British business man attempting to rescue an American woman whose house was being riddled with machine gun fire from a nearby emplacement was fired upon and narrowly escaped, one bullet cutting through his clothing and another being deflected from the steering gear of his jeep. Another foreigner saw a youth forced to dismount from his cycle before a military policeman, who thereupon lacerated the man's hands so badly with his bayonet that the man could not pick up his machine.

Anyone thought to be trying to hide or run was shot down. Looting began wherever the soldiers saw something desirable. In the Manka area, near the Consulate, a general sacking by soldiers took place on March 10; many shopkeepers are believed to have been shot.

On March 11 it was reported that a systematic search for middle school students had begun during the night. School enrollment lists were used. A broadcast earlier had ordered all youths who had been members of the Security Patrol or the Youth League to turn in their weapons. Concurrently, all middle school students were ordered to remain at home. If a student was caught on the street while trying to obey the first order he was killed; if the searchers found a weapon in his house, he met a like fate. If a student was not at home his brother or his father was seized as hostage. A reliable estimate was made that about 700 students had been seized in Taipei by March 13. Two hundred are said to have been seized in Keelung. Fifty are reported, to have been killed at Matsuyama and thirty at Kokuto (suburbs of Taipei) on the night of March 9.