合眾國是票房保證，所以蔡英文必須尋求華府的認證與背書; 北京是票房毒藥，台灣人避之唯恐不及，但猥瑣的老共卻死皮賴臉，苦苦糾纏

合眾國是票房保證，所以蔡英文必須尋求華府的認證與背書; 北京是票房毒藥，台灣人避之唯恐不及，但猥瑣的老共卻死皮賴臉，苦苦糾纏

---我們在請鄉親們讀蔡英文在「華爾街日報」發表的一篇文章以及一篇在CSIS演說的文稿之前，先再讓大家知道建州運動給蔡主席做了什麼建議，大家可以把這些建議與蔡主席在美國發表的文章與演說的內容做個比較，大家會發現，我們的建議大部分都已被融入蔡主席的文章與演說中，但這並非意指我們的文章與建議一定曾經被蔡英文或其幕僚讀過並被採用(就是被他們讀到並被他們採用，他們也不會說)，這可能只是「『英雄』所見略同」，因為蔡英文身邊並不乏「知美派」，建州派能掌握的美國語言、思維、大戰略、政策與動向，蔡英文團隊裡的「美國通」沒有理由不能或沒有能力掌握。

一

由於北京、老共與中國帝國主義者在台海、南海、東海、東亞、西太平洋與全世界挑戰美國所建立或所欲建立的「自由國際秩序」，所以，歐巴馬政府必須戮力執行它所提出的「重返亞洲」的戰略與政策，既然要執行這個戰略與政策，那麼台灣就必須成為美國的盟友或安全夥伴，台灣必須成為美國「重返亞洲」的戰略與政策的一個環節或關鍵元素，既然台灣必須也當然要扮演這種角色，那華府與美國人就應該把台灣人視為天然盟友與忠實夥伴，相反地，華府與美國人應該把主張「台海兩岸同屬一中」、意圖賣台的國民黨看成是以美國為首的自由民主世界的共同敵人，至少是潛在的共同敵人。

由於美國與台灣在軍事與安全領域上是protector-protectorate(保護者---被保護地)的關係，而在國際政治上則是patron-client(領主---扈從)、guardian-ward(監護者---被監護者)、甚至是suzerain-vassal state(宗主國---藩屬或附庸)的關係，所以「反中國併吞台灣」的台灣政治人物，特別是總統候選人，除了要向台灣人民進行訴求以外，還要尋求美國政府的背書與美國人民(至少是菁英層)的支持。

所以，理所當然地與天經地義地，做為總統候選人的阿扁與阿英都得向華府進行訴求，說是溝通也可以，說是「應考」也無妨，總之，你一定得去一趟，而且一定得過關，這是相對弱勢的台灣人的處境與國際政治的現實，台灣人現階段沒有什麼好抱怨的。

在全世界的國家或政治實體中，與美國有特殊關係的，除台灣之外，還有以色列、大不列顛聯合王國(日本幾乎也是)。但可能出任以色列的總理的政治人物、可能出任大不列顛聯合王國或日本的首相的政治人物並不需要在選前跑一趟華府(以色列的總理內唐雅虎最近這一次來華府，可能是唯一的例外)，但是台灣的「總統候選人」卻必須訪問華府，尋求華府的背書或認可(以後國民黨的「總統候選人」應該可以或不必跑華盛頓，而是跑北京，他們跑華盛頓是多此一舉，也是公然作假，像「白賊義」就在某一點上很老實，他在擔任行政院長與副總統之前，都跑香港，他跑香港，其實就等於跑北京)。

由於蔡英文跑美國，老共很不是滋味，他們的駐美大使崔某很哀怨、很阿Q地說: 「蔡英文首先要能過得了十三億中國人民的考試。」

老共這些人很寶，百般糾纏，成天瘋言瘋語，總說些讓人噴飯的、莫名其妙的、不三不四的話，我們現在請台灣與台美鄉親們來讀一則新聞報導:

「崔天凱：蔡英文要過13億中國人考試」
2015-06-04 03:07:41
聯合報 華盛頓記者賴昭穎／二日電

//民進黨主席暨總統參選人蔡英文在華府展開拜會行程，中共駐美大使崔天凱二日表示，蔡英文首先要能過得了十三億中國人民的考試，「她能不能接受一個中國的原則，而不是含糊其辭的想蒙混過關。」

中共駐美大使館二日舉行新任公使李克新的就任招待會，崔天凱會後受訪時，被問到蔡英文訪美一事指出，中方非常警惕任何可能的台獨動向，「我們也對美方講得很清楚，我們反對任何有台獨傾向到美國來活動，反對美國給他們提供舞台。」

崔天凱質疑，有人說蔡英文是來面試的，但「為什麼有話不能跟對岸的同胞說，要找外國人來面試？」他也指出，「一個中國」的原則是兩岸關係的政治基礎，美國的公開政策也是堅持一個中國「原則」。

「不管什麼人、到這來有什麼活動，我們絕不允許任何人損害這個原則。」崔天凱說，不應認為任何單一問題會改變、甚至主導中美關係的走向；當然有些問題像涉及中國主權及領土完整的「台灣問題」，「如果美方做錯了，會影響中美關係走向」。//

鄉親們應該都注意到崔某這廝「為什麼有話不能跟對岸的同胞說，要找外國人來面試？」這句話，這句話逗不逗?這句話除了逗趣外，還兼對台灣人吃豆腐，因為老共喜歡熱臉貼台灣人的冷屁股，喜歡稱台灣人為「中國人」或「同胞」，崔某的意思是: 「我們不都是『中國人』嗎?妳幹嘛有話不跟我們『自己人』說，反而跑到華府跟『外國人』說?」

在台灣前途解決一事上，台灣建州運動從理論的建立開始，就一路要把中國與中國人排除在外。鄉親們應該還會記得，建州運動一直都這麼說: 日本發動太平洋戰爭，美國對日本宣戰，美國擊敗了日本，佔領與解放了包括台澎在內所有日本統治、佔據或託管的領土或土地。台澎主權至今仍在美國政府的政治監護之中，因此台澎主權的最終歸屬應在美國政府認為的適當時機，由台灣人民透過自決與公投來決定。台灣人民得決定將美國監護的台澎主權拿到自己的手中，脫離美國的監護而獨立建國，或者將仍被美國監護的台澎主權正式交給美國，讓台灣先成為美國的領地，最終成為美國一州。

鄉親們可以看出，在台灣建州運動這項核心論述中，在台灣人尋求完全解放的過程中，完全沒有中國與中國人的角色，即便他們很想湊上一腳。

二

蔡英文已離開了華盛頓，我們今天要請鄉親們來讀她在美國發表的一篇文章以及一項演說的文稿，要了解蔡英文的想法或政策，這兩篇算是比較權威與正式的參考材料。她與白宮國家安全會議副顧問、亞洲部資深主任的談話以及她與國務院副國務卿、亞太事務助卿、亞太事務副助卿的談話，則是在閉門會議中的談話(可以合理地假定，蔡英文應已給了美國政府若干承諾。蔡英文在未來的就職演說，會加以反映，這時我們就可以知道她做了什麼承諾。未來的蔡總統若違反這些核心或主要承諾，華府會提醒蔡總統，若蔡總統把華府的提醒當耳邊風，華府就會一條一條地數落她，那時我們也會知道蔡英文在2015年6月給了華府什麼承諾)，在沒有被解密之前，外界無法窺知精確與詳細的內容，以後我們若能找到一些蜘絲馬跡，那時再說，總之，不能瞎猜或瞎掰，冒充內行。

我們在請鄉親們讀蔡英文在美國發表的一篇文章以及一項演說的文稿之前，先再讓大家知道建州運動給蔡主席做了什麼建議，大家可以把這些建議與蔡主席在美國發表的文章與正式談話的內容做個比較，大家會發現，我們的建議大部分都已被融入蔡主席的文章與演說中，但這並非意指我們的文章與建議一定曾被蔡英文或其幕僚讀過並被採用(就是被他們讀到並被他們採用，他們也不會說)，這可能只是「『英雄』所見略同」，因為蔡英文身邊並不乏「知美派」，建州派能掌握的美國語言、思維、政策與動向，蔡英文團隊沒有理由不能或沒有能力掌握。

台灣建州運動於12/5/2014發表「為了不讓Donilon-Paal-Bush Barrier(丹尼龍-包道格-卜睿哲障礙)再度成為阻碍蔡英文走完最後一哩路的路障，蔡英文的國安與外交智囊不妨充分運用Hillary-Russel-Medeiros Statements(希拉蕊-羅素-麥艾文談話)」一文，首次給蔡英文提供建議。

在3/24/2015，建州派給蔡英文提出如下的建議:

//對於華府或美方對蔡英文的期待，「台灣建州運動」今天已不擬長篇大論，我們想直截了當地給蔡英文做出如下的建議:

我們認為，蔡英文唯的一的做法是，採取扁馬模式:

(1)在競選期間，為了照顧基本盤，所以必須對台灣的綠營民眾清晰地表明獨或傾獨的立場，向基本盤的民眾做意識形態的訴求。
(2)為了贏得大選，必須獲得最大多數的中間選民的支持，所以必須對中間選民說，「台灣應該維持現狀」，「台灣前途應由兩千三百萬台灣人民來決定，選項得包括『台灣獨立建國』、『台灣加入美國』、『台灣與中國進行政治聯合』」等。
(3)為了得到華府的背書，並進而鞏固綠營的基本盤及鞏固中間選民的支持，必須對華府釋出如下的訊息或做出如下的承諾: 要維持「台海現狀」，要維護「台灣自治」， 要與美國一起維護「台灣關係法體制」及「台海和平」，蔡英文可以給華府「三不」、「四不一沒有」、「五不二沒有」、甚至「六不三沒有」的承諾。

獨派可以加碼，但不可迫令蔡英文總統「宣佈台灣獨立」(除非台海局勢出現對台灣與華府有利的變化)，只能給蔡做為迫使華府及北京讓步的籌碼。

建州派可以加碼，讓蔡英文在對付北京時，有更大的迴旋空間，雖然我們堅持把建州做為目標與目的，而不做為其他黨派的工具或籌碼。

但蔡英文無需也不能表明接受「一中原則」、「一中框架」或「九二共識」，因為一接受，綠營的基本盤就全面瓦解，她也就不用選了。//

在4/9/2015，建州派再給蔡英文增加幾個建議:

//台灣建州運動今天對蔡英文的建議要再增加幾個:蔡主席可向歐巴馬政府、美國國會、柯林頓夫人、美國共和黨全國委員會承諾，(1)台灣要在美國「重返亞洲」的戰略與政策中扮演美國賦給它的關鍵角色，並做出貢獻，(2)台灣會盡全力協助美國維護自由國際秩序 ，(3)台灣會儘速完成加入TPP的前置作業，(4)台灣會向美國提出軍購的要求，以更新或提升主要武器系統，(4)台灣也會做好反制或控管共諜在台灣活動的工作。

有了上述那些承諾，那蔡英文六月這次的華府行應該就會心想事成，滿載而歸，得到她想要的華府的祝福與背書。//

到了4/16/2015，建州派發表「蔡英文今年的華府行，歐巴馬的人馬應該不會再讓她吃排頭與苦頭」一文，已做出「今年蔡英文的華府行應可過關」的初步研判與結論。

三

在台灣人與台美人的政治圈中與網路政治論壇中，特別是北加州的台美人意見領袖Mr. Allen Kuo所經營的BATA，大家都知道建州派從一開始就支持蔡英文代表民進黨與泛綠陣營參加「在台灣的治理當局」下任的最高領導人的選舉，我們這種表態、立場與主張引起Allen等幾位老朋友的批評，Allen甚至認為「台灣建州運動與周威霖已淪為蔡英文的附屬」了。

我們對Allen等鄉親的指教十分感謝，我們對這些對建州派的負面批評也不以為忤，不過，我們今天要稍微交待及說明一下:我們之所以從一開始就支持蔡英文代表民進黨與泛綠陣營參加在「台灣的治理當局」下任的最高領導人的選舉，有幾個比較重要的原因與考量: 第一，蔡英文是當年在李登輝與張榮豐的麾下，研擬與提出「特殊兩國論」的主要角色，她後來也與李登輝、黃昆輝及辜振甫一樣，都拒絕承任與接受有所謂的「九二共識」。她在老共因「兩國論」而又準備在台海胡鬧時，銜命赴華府進行解釋，從那時起，華府就對她有了認識，但也開始建立她「有意改變台海現狀」的印象，這種印象到了2011年她做為「總統候選人」時達到頂點，因為她死也不承認有什麼「九二共識」，歐巴馬的國安團隊認為她可能會與阿扁一樣，又會給華府帶來一些麻煩，所以選擇在她的背後砍她一刀。由於蔡英文否定有什麼「九二共識」，也拒絕接受什麼「一中原則」或「一中框架」，符合了台灣建州運動所堅持的底線，所以我們很早就決定公開表態支持她。第二，民進黨多多少少也有全世界的政黨或政治組織的「菁英政治」與「宮廷政治」的色彩，建州派當然在初始階段就知道蔡英文已被DPP內部一些有影響力的人士內定為候選人，既然如此，我們就順水推舟，當喜鵲，拒當烏鴉。當喜鵲，只有極少數的人會討厭，但當烏鴉，肯定是沒有多少人會喜歡。

在過去這段時間裡，我們時常聽到我們身邊很親近的獨派或台派的朋友們對蔡英文的批評與不信任，我們對這些看法都表示理解與尊重，但我們今天必須說: 我們支持蔡，但沒有說她完美。只要生為人，他或她就不會完美，他或她不會是神[所以「賴神」這種稱呼是極其荒唐的，雖然賴清德是很值得台灣人肯定與支持的政治人物] ，他或她的言行不會盡如人意，我們要說的是，我們不要求全，對於政治與政治人物，我們都不能求全，我們只能在負100與正100之間做選擇。你若以選票選擇希特勒，那就是往選擇負100的方向去思考(指負向的思考)，你若以選票選擇李登輝或彭明敏，那就是往選擇正100的方向去思考(指正向的思考)。我們要說的是，蔡英文是一名正向的政治人物，她值得我們來肯定與支持，但我們不能把她當成完美的神去膜拜她，同樣地，我們也不宜因為她在言行與作為上有一些不盡如人意之處，就全盤否定她或抵死反對她。在民主政治的領域裡，我們只能去找比mediocre(平庸的)要高明些的「正常人」當領袖，而不能去找charismatic、工於造神的、畫山畫水的、大言不慚的野心家來當領袖。此外，我們只能從事piecemeal social and political engineering(零散的社會與政治工程)，絕不能從事驚天動地的、欲「畢其功於一役」的革命，因為大敵當前、腹背受敵的台灣人沒有搞革命的空間與條件。

我們既然要給蔡英文提建議，那就要投其所好，也要投華府之所好，亦即要符合蔡英文、台灣人民與華府的利益，這是為了要幫助她得到多數台灣選民的選票以及得到華府的背書，否則說了等於白說。

第一，我們既然要給蔡提建議，而目標是為了協助她當選，那我們就要從蔡英文台灣選民與美國的利益及角度出發，這時我們就不能建議她提出「台灣成為美國領地」的主張，雖然這是台灣建州運動所樂見的。我們看到有些獨派的朋友建議她要有guts，要挺起胸膛，要大聲呼喊獨立建國，另外有些被統派的人渣與垃圾媒體則建議她接受所謂的「九二共識」，但這些建議都是從本位主義與自身的利益出發，說了一大篇，也等於是廢話，我們相信，蔡英文連看都不想看。不過，在我們從蔡英文、台灣選民與美國的利益及角度出發，為她籌謀時，當然也難免引起一些鄉親與朋友的誤解，以及為我們放棄了「台灣加入美國」的主張與初衷，轉而主張「維持現狀」。我們今天必須說清楚，建州派不是主張「維持現狀」，我們之所以現在給蔡英文提出這樣的建議，純是為了協助蔡英文取得華府的信任與支持並得到台灣的中間選民的選票，沒有中間選民的支持，蔡英文不可能獲勝。

第二，基於很多原因與考量，我們認為我們現階段公開支持身處綠營的總統候選人出任台灣的最高領導人，對建州派與多數的台灣人民比較有利，但我們這樣做，當然會引起淺藍鄉親的不滿，在藍營中，的確也有不少淺藍的鄉親從不排除「台灣加入美國」做為選項，他們也是建州運動的支持者或潛在的支持者，雖然他們並沒有如綠營的鄉親一樣，公開支持建州運動或出任建州運動的領導或幹部，不過，總的說，我們公開支持身處綠營的總統候選人出任台灣的最高領導人，對建州派而言，是利大於弊，是進可攻、退可守的策略。

第三，雖然藍營的人出任台灣的最高領導人，華府也不許他們改變「台海現狀」，但是他們卻可以透過各種方法與政策，去打開台灣的門戶，給老共大開方便之門，搞「化獨漸統」，最後量變造成質變，因而造成台灣變天赤化或者台灣被推過通往中國地獄的不歸點，台灣人從此要看老共、「在台中國人」與親中敗類的臉色，過著悲慘的日子，因此之故，建州派不可能去支持藍營的「總統候選人」。

四

現在我們請鄉親們先來讀一篇由台灣的「中央社」發出的報導，然後再請大家讀蔡英文在「華爾街日報」發表的文章 ，這是一篇出現在Op-Ed的文章，不是一般的投書。由於大家先讀漢文的報導，所以我們已無需再做漢文重點翻譯或意譯。

「蔡英文投書美媒 ，談對中關係」 

發稿時間：2015/06/02 10:04 最新更新：2015/06/02 10:59

（中央社記者葉素萍華盛頓1日電）//民進黨總統參選人蔡英文今天投書華爾街日報指出，一個更穩定一致且可持續的對中關係將是她的施政重點，「這需要跟中國領導階層以及跟台灣人民，都建立開放的溝通管道」。

蔡英文的「點亮台灣、民主夥伴之旅」，今晚在風雨中抵達華盛頓。

在明天即將出刊的華爾街日報，蔡英文投書一篇標題為Taiwan Can Build on U.S. Ties（台美關係更上層樓）的文章。

蔡英文說，30多年來，台美關係一直都扮演著亞太地區和平及穩定的基石。毋庸置疑的，美國是最重要的戰略夥伴；而台灣對於區域的未來，也必須做出進一步貢獻。

她說，台灣需要對未來提出一個開放並具前瞻性的戰略。而這項工作，基本上，是建立在與美國擁有健全的經濟、國防、以及人民與人民的關係上，同時與中國保持全面且有原則的互動。

蔡英文認為，台灣未來需要一個四管齊下的對外政策，包括，擴大與美國多面向的合作；找出台灣可以參與其中並有利於國際社會的國際計畫；透過貿易多元化，保護台灣的經濟自主性；增進與中國有原則性的互動。

她說，一個與美國穩固的、全面性且持續的夥伴關係，是台灣整體國家安全的基礎。在這方面，她會致力於透過聯合訓練、演習及國防工業合作來強化合作關係；確保台灣已準備好成為TPP（跨太平洋夥伴協定）以及其它區域經貿協議的候選國家，這將是她經濟政策的重要基石。

她提到，「一個更穩定一致且可持續的對中關係將是我的施政重點。這需要跟中國領導階層以及跟台灣人民，都建立開放的溝通管道」。去年3月的太陽花運動，社運人士占領立法院抗議對中貿易協定的黑箱作業，已顯示出當台灣人民認為自己被排除在討論過程外，會有怎樣的結果。

蔡英文說，她的首要工作將是建立透明的機制，以強化兩岸的互信與合作。透過有原則的交流、合作及對話，「我會確保合作的精神繼續指引兩岸關係的改善」。

她說，36年前，美國國會頒布台灣關係法，凸顯與美國夥伴關係的本質。這個區域的和平與繁榮是雙方共同利益，會強化這個關係且確保長遠的延續下去。//

“Taiwan Can Build on U.S. Ties”
By TSAI ING-WEN
Updated June 1, 2015 12:58 p.m. ET
The Wall Street Journal

---A more consistent relationship with China requires open channels of communication, both with China’s leadership and the Taiwanese people.

For more than three decades, the U.S.-Taiwan relationship has served as a cornerstone of peace and stability in Asia. There is no question that the United States will be Taiwan’s most important strategic partner. But Taiwan must also expand our contributions toward a more promising future for the region.

As a vibrant democracy, Taiwan is situated within an exciting yet intricate and ever-evolving security and economic environment. To successfully navigate this arena, Taiwan will need to articulate an open and forward-looking strategy for the future. This agenda is fundamentally premised on robust economic, defense and people-to-people relationships with the U.S., in parallel with a comprehensive and principled engagement with China.

I believe that Taiwan’s foreign policy requires a four-pronged approach: first, broadening multifaceted cooperation with the U.S.; second, identifying and participating in international projects that Taiwan can support for the benefit of the world community; third, protecting Taiwan’s economic autonomy through trade diversification[保護台灣的經濟自主性。註: 這是援用美國政府的官員與柯林頓夫人的說法，非常漂亮而高明，可以用來反制中國欲以經貿的手段來併吞台灣的圖謀，以及用來反制老K欲以經貿的手段為自己圖利兼賣台的陰謀]; and fourth, enhancing principled cooperation with China.

The net impact of this strategy will not only depend on the successful execution of each pillar, but on how we are able to draw linkages between the four elements and put forth a comprehensive paradigm for Taiwan’s international role. As I have stated time and again, a strong, comprehensive and enduring partnership with the U.S. is a fundamental characteristic of Taiwan’s overall national-security identity. Along these lines, I am committed to enhancing cooperation on joint training, exercises and defense-industrial cooperation. [蔡英文執政後將會致力於透過聯合訓練、演習及國防工業合作，來強化美台合作關係。註: 蔡英文選擇在CSIS發表演說，是要凸顯在她主政下的台灣，將會與美國建立深廣的安全、戰略與軍事合作的關係，他同時也與一些和軍售台灣有關的智庫首腦們會見。但我們不知她有沒有與Michelle Flournoy會見，因為若柯林頓夫人成為美國下屆總統，Michelle應會成為國防部長。]

In addition to strengthening our already extensive ties in these traditional security areas, it is equally important for Taiwan to support the region’s capabilities to address nontraditional security threats, highlighted by the growing challenges presented by climate change and the increasing frequency of natural disasters across the Asia-Pacific. I am committed to advancing an open dialogue with the U.S., China, Japan, South Korea and other like-minded nations on how we can fortify the region’s humanitarian and natural-disaster relief architecture and capabilities.

Beyond security cooperation, I believe that the diversification of our economic ties will prove equally critical in charting the course ahead for U.S.-Taiwan relations. Already, with more than $63 billion worth of goods in bilateral trade last year, Taiwan ranks as America’s 10th-largest trading partner today. As Taiwan seeks to diversify its drivers of growth in the next phase of our economic development, we must work to establish robust economic linkages throughout the world, attract long-term foreign investment and cultivate our human capital.

As a first step toward this goal, Taiwan must articulate a stronger trade agenda, which will necessitate changes in how we conduct business and establish strong frameworks to bolster investor confidence. In the near term, ensuring that Taiwan is ready for future candidacy into the Trans-Pacific Partnership and other regional economic agreements will be an important cornerstone of my economic policy. Adhering to international standards, reducing bureaucratic red-tape and streamlining our investment processes are all integral components of this policy fabric that will make Taiwan more nimble, globally competitive and attractive to investment. [讓台灣準備好成為TPP（跨太平洋夥伴協定）以及其它區域經貿協議的候選國家，這將是蔡英文政府經濟政策的重要基石。註: 這也是極為漂亮與高明的政策宣示，這會讓歐巴馬行政團隊樂到嘴歪，也會讓老共氣得牙癢。]

Taiwan’s integration into regional trade partnerships and investment agreements will catalyze its broader participation in international projects and efforts. As a responsible citizen of the global community, Taiwan already strives to adhere to numerous international standards and frameworks, including those in which Taiwan is not a member.

As Taiwan seeks more meaningful participation in the international arena, it has developed a number of capabilities and skill-sets that it can contribute to the broader knowledge base of the international community. For example, as a leading hub for the high-tech industry, Taiwan is well-positioned to support the development of international trade standards and regulations on cutting-edge, 21st-century trade issues, such as data flows and intellectual-property standards.

Underpinning all of these aims, a more consistent and sustainable relationship with China will be a core goal of my administration. That requires open channels of communication, both with China’s leadership and the Taiwanese people. Last March’s Sunflower Movement—when activists took over the legislature to protest the lack of transparency in the review of a trade agreement with China—demonstrates what can result when the Taiwanese people feel they have been left out of the discussion.

My priority will be to implement a transparent process to enhance trust and cooperation across the Taiwan Strait. Through principled engagements, joint initiatives and dialogue, I will ensure that the spirit of cooperation that has guided the betterment of China-Taiwan relations continues.

Thirty-six years ago, the U.S. Congress enacted the Taiwan Relations Act that captured the essence of our partnership with the United States. Through six U.S. administrations, both Republican and Democratic, we have continued to sustain this historic friendship through extensive economic and security cooperation. I have no doubt that our mutual interests in the region’s peace and prosperity will further strengthen these bonds and ensure that they will endure for many decades to come. [蔡英文提台灣關係法，並以此做為結束，十分漂亮而高明。]

(Ms. Tsai is the Democratic Progressive Party’s 2016 Taiwanese presidential candidate.)

蔡英文的文章在「華爾街日報」發表後，有幾名人士發表評論，包括在阿扁主政時代受到倚重的譚慎格(John J. Tkacik, Jr.)，他這麼說:

//That a senior Taiwanese political leader can still say out loud he or she considers the United States to be Taiwan's most important strategic partner, despite China's economic leverage, is very reassuring.

Of course, these days virtually every East Asian country from Japan to Australia (and everyone in between) finds that China is its top trading partner. Yet most (all?) hope to balance China's growing preeminence with America's renewed economic engagement. These days, the U.S. can use all the Asian partners it can get, and Taiwan (with an economy bigger than any in Southeast Asia - except Indonesia which has 10 times the population) is one of the major players. //

馬某執政後，追殺譚慎格，陰狠的馬團隊要求「傳統基金會」將譚慎格開革。馬團隊把台灣人與台灣本土政權的友人整肅，把他們逼到牆角，他們向美國的親台灣人的人士發出警告: 你們不要與台灣人或台灣本土政權合作，你們要是不信邪，就會落到譚慎格這種悲慘的下場。

建州運動已不只一次提及譚慎格被馬某與老K整肅與追殺的悲慘遭遇，我們還提醒與建議未來的台灣人政權: 要讓譚慎格有再度為台灣人及台灣人政權效勞的機會，若不還譚慎格一個公道，會讓全世界的台灣人友人寒心，讓全世界的台灣人友人寒心，就等於我們台灣人在自掘墳墓。

五

最後，我們請鄉親們閱讀蔡英文在華府CSIS (The Center for Strategic & Internatoional Studies，戰略與國際研究中心)的演說以及演說後她與Dr. Kurt Campbell之對話。Kurt在柯林頓夫人出任總統後，必將出任要職，可能先會擔任國務院副國務卿或國家安全副顧問，但很快就會被扶正。蔡英文此次華府行，不僅要與歐巴馬團隊會見，還必須與柯林頓夫人未來的國安外交團隊的高層接觸，這也是建州派的建議。

我們選用了一個英文、漢文並列的版本(從Mr. Michael Turton的網站或部落格借來)，便利所有鄉親來閱讀。

我們在文中加了一些註解，以便讓鄉親們知道建州派曾向蔡英文建議了哪些部分。

民主進步黨中央黨部‧新聞輿情部 電話：（02）23929989.ext202～210 傳真：（02）23932150 www.dpp.org.tw
2015/06/04

“Taiwan Meeting the Challenges Crafting a Model of New Asian Value”

DPP TRANSCRIPT OF DR. TSAI'S SPEECH AT CSIS ON 6/3/15, FOLLOWED BY THE Q&A LED BY KURT CAMPBELL...

蔡英文於CSIS演說：台灣迎向挑戰-打造亞洲新價值的典範

民主進步黨主席暨總統參選人蔡英文在今（3）日美國時間下午在華府美國智庫戰略暨國際研究中心（CSIS）以「台灣迎向挑戰-打造亞洲新價值的典範（Taiwan Meeting the Challenges Crafting a Model of New Asian Value）」為題發表演說，全文如下：

Thank you, Bonnie, for your introduction and to CSIS for welcoming me into your magnificent new building.
謝謝葛萊儀小姐的介紹，也感謝戰略與國際研究中心歡迎我到你們這棟壯麗的新大樓。

Mr. Burghardt, Mr. Campbell, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen and members of the media,
薄瑞光先生，坎博先生，各位貴賓，各位女士、先生，各位媒體朋友：

It is wonderful to be in Washington, DC again. It is my great honor and pleasure to meet all of you today. I am truly grateful to the fellows and staff at CSIS for making this event possible.
很高興能再度來到華府，也很榮幸能與各位會面，我也衷心感謝戰略與國際研究中心全體同仁安排這次演講。

Meeting new challenges 面對新的挑戰

On April 15 this year, the Democratic Progressive Party nominated me as its presidential candidate for the 2016 elections. I am greatly honored to be associated with the political party that fought hard against authoritarianism and turned Taiwan into a democracy that today cherishes freedom and human rights. The DPP is proud to have played an imperative role in bringing about such monumental changes in Taiwan.
今年四月十五日民主進步黨提名本人為2016年總統選舉候選人。我感到非常光榮能夠與民進黨，一個曾經和威權奮戰、將台灣轉變成像今天這樣崇尚自由與人權的民主社會之政黨，站在一起。民進黨也很驕傲能夠在締造台灣重大的改變上扮演重要角色。[註: 蔡英文把把民進黨與台灣的民主化完全連在一起，與反動的國民黨做為對照組，這種說法與歷史事實完成吻合，她把民進黨跟美國人所珍視的核心價值完全連結在一起，反襯老K與中國的反動、落伍與野蠻。]

As a presidential candidate, I have to be ready to deal with rising domestic and external challenges ranging from the gradual erosion of freedom and democracy to an increasing uncertainty over Taiwan's ability to maintain its economic autonomy.
作為總統候選人，面對日益升高的國內外挑戰，從自由民主受到侵蝕，到維持台灣經濟自主的不確定性與日俱增，都必須要作好應對的準備。[註: 「自由民主受到侵蝕------台灣經濟自主的不確定性與日俱增」這一段是台灣人對馬某與老K政權最嚴厲的指控，親台灣人的美國人聽得進去。]

While responding to challenges, we are actually crafting a model of new Asian value, which features participatory democracy, equitable distribution and social justice, innovation-based economy, and proactive peace diplomacy.
當我們對各項挑戰作出回應時，實際上是在打造一個亞洲新價值的典範，主要內涵就是參與式民主、公平分配與社會正義、以創新為基礎的經濟，以及積極和平的外交作為。[註: 我們過去曾指出，民進黨的政府並無力解決台灣的主權歸屬，也無力拓展外交，因此可以努力也應該努力的是內政的領域，包括國防、經貿與教育------等等。]

Responding to the challenge to democracy 回應民主的挑戰

As noted by some prominent international organizations, freedom of speech, freedom of press, and human rights have been on a steady decline in the last few years. In March last year, the undemocratic nature of the ratification process over a cross-strait trade agreement unleashed formidable social forces trying to redirect the path of the government. Now some of the social forces are eager to participate in the political process through public deliberation or even through participation in elections.
過去幾年來，正如同某些著名國際機構所指出，台灣在言論自由、新聞自由或人權紀錄上，都出現下滑的狀況。去年三月，一項兩岸貿易協議因立法審查過程違反民主原則，引爆了強大的社會力，試圖去改變政府的做法。現在部分的社會力，也正透過公共審議或投入選舉等方式，熱衷參與政治過程。

The newly found sociopolitical forces may cause the government to slow down if it is not ready to be transparent or open for participation. However, if democratically handled, with the input of enormous dynamism into the decision making process and constant oversight from the public, the government can be much more effective and responsive. This is what I am ready to endeavor, that is,i.e. to deepen our democracy.
面對新興的政治社會力，倘若沒有準備好以透明化或開放參與應對，政府的腳步勢必被延緩。然而，如果政府以民主方式來處理，讓這些強大的動能進入決策程序，並且隨時接受公眾監督，政府就會更有效率且更能回應民意。這就是我將要努力推動的事，讓台灣的民主更加深化。

Economic stagnation and social problems 經濟遲緩與社會問題

For most Taiwanese, the state of our economy is a source of great distress as it has stagnated for some time and has lost momentum for growth. Globalization and China's rise as the world's factory have affected Taiwan's efficiency-driven model of economic growth. This has gradually resulted in a widening income gap, outsourcing of job opportunities, and stagnating salaries.
近年來台灣經濟的停滯及失去成長動能，是多數民眾最感到痛苦之事。中國崛起並成為世界工廠，讓台灣「效率驅動」的經濟成長模式受到衝擊，進而導致日形嚴重的貧富差距、工作機會外移及薪資成長停滯。

The economic slowdown has hit the young generation in particular, who now face an economic environment much harsher than their parents' days. In addition, our various public pension funds have incurred huge implicit deficits that endanger their sustainability. Furthermore, the family-based traditional social safety network no longer suits the needs of the highly urbanized Taiwan. Under these circumstances, one can only imagine the tremendous burdens that are being placed on our younger generation.
經濟趨緩對年輕世代的衝擊特別嚴重，其所面對的經濟環境遠較他們的父母嚴峻甚多。此外，政府各大退休基金潛藏鉅額負債並危及其永續運作。再者，原來以家庭為基礎的傳統社會安全網絡，也已不再適合高度都市化之後的台灣。在此等情況下，可以想像台灣年輕世代身上的壓力有多麼的沉重。

Economic Measures 經濟措施

Therefore, providing a new economic way forward will be the foremost priority of the coming DPP Administration. I am ready to present the New Model for Economic Development with core elements of innovation, employment, that is, job creation, and equitable distribution.
未來民進黨執政最優先的任務，就是提出一個能讓經濟向前推進的新路徑，我已經作好準備推動以「創新、就業、分配」為核心理念的新經濟發展模式。

The primary objective of the new model is to reshape Taiwan's economic competitiveness by shifting from an efficiency-driven model to an innovation-driven one. It is also aimed at striking a balance between economic growth and social need. In addition, we hope that the new model can help reduce Taiwan's dependence on a single market and to ensure Taiwan's economic autonomy. We were kindly reminded by former Secretary Clinton in June last year that Taiwan would be vulnerable if it loses economic independence.
新模式的主要目標，是將「效率驅動」轉換為「創新驅動」的模式，藉以重塑台灣經濟的競爭力。新模式也將在經濟成長和社會需求之間取得平衡。此外，我們希望新模式能夠有助於降低對單一市場的依賴，確保台灣經濟自主。去年六月，美國前國務卿希拉蕊就很善意的提醒我們，如果台灣失去經濟獨立性，將會變得脆弱易受傷害。[註: 我們曾經提醒與建議蔡英文，在美國時或在與美國朝野對話時，要援用柯林頓夫人等對台灣人有利的發言。]

I also fully intend to build a strategic partnership with the U.S. on economic cooperation. A DPP administration would like to mount intensive exchanges and cooperation on the next generation infrastructure for Internet of Things (IoT), cloud, big data, and ICT-based new industries, which feature the 4th industrial revolution, or what many call Industry 4.0. I would like to have Taiwan work closely with American firms to renew Taiwan's ICT industries as well.
我也非常希望和美國建立經濟戰略伙伴關係，民進黨願意推動下一世代基礎建設方面的交流與合作，包括物聯網、雲端、大數據，以及以資通訊技術為基礎的新產業，也就是所謂的第四次工業革命或工業4.0。我會促進台灣與美國企業加強合作，以重振台灣的資通產業。

On international trade, there is an urgent need for Taiwan to participate in the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP), at least to be included in the second round of negotiations. For this purpose, I have set up a special task force to discuss the important aspects of trade liberalization and the TPP. Our discussions include the need for structural adjustments and reform, the extent to which Taiwan should adhere to international standards, streamlining legal infrastructure and bureaucratic practices, and making the necessary investments in specific sectors. We want to ensure that Taiwan is ready to effectively deal with the challenges of globalization.
在國際貿易方面，台灣對於參加跨太平洋夥伴協定有迫切需求，希望至少能參與第二輪協商。為此，我已經設立了一個TPP特別小組，探討加入TPP涉及貿易自由化的各重要層面問題。所討論的內容包括：結構調整與改革的需求、遵守國際標準的範疇、法規與行政程序的合理簡化，以及對特定產業的投資。我們希望確保台灣能有效的面對全球化挑戰。

I would like to thank the U.S. government for expressing welcome to Taiwan's interest. Here I would also like to reiterate that I am determined for Taiwan to be ready for the TPP.
在此，我要感謝美國政府對台灣有意願參與TPP表示歡迎之意；也要重申，我有決心讓台灣做好加入TPP的各項準備工作。[註: 我們曾建議蔡英文，在與歐巴馬團隊對話時，要提到台灣人對TPP的興趣。]

Social safety net 社會安全網

When the economy grows, the Taiwan government will be equipped with more resources to invest in social infrastructure. The DPP has unveiled a plan to create a new community-based social safety net, and has inaugurated the plan in some of the local governments under our administration. I also plan to invest in social housing as well as long-term senior care systems. These are highly demanded in Taiwan as it moves to an aging society.
經濟成長可以讓台灣政府有更多的資源進行社會基礎建設投資。民進黨已楬櫫一個以社區為基礎的社會安全網計劃，並已在部分執政縣市開始實施。我也計劃進行社會住宅及長照體系的投資。這些都是台灣走向高齡社會的迫切需求。

Here I would like to stress that investment in the social safety net is not just welfare spending; it will make good economic sense by meeting local demand and generating local job opportunities.
在此特別強調，對社會安全網的投資並不只是福利支出；也可以在經濟上符合在地需求並創造在地就業機會。

For Taiwan's economy to be more competitive and our democracy stronger we need to build a military capable of safeguarding the country and maintaining peace. We should also help shape a friendly regional environment by making meaningful contributions to international affairs. Needless to say, a critical component is a need to maintain a peaceful and stable relationship with China.
為讓台灣經濟更有競爭力，同時強化民主，我們必須建立能夠捍衛國家、維持和平的國軍，我們也應該藉由對國際事務有意義的貢獻，來協助塑造一個友善的區域環境。當然，能夠維持和中國之間的和平穩定關係是其中關鍵的一環。

Defense 國防

On defense, to be a reliable partner on regional security, it is my firm belief that proper investment in credible deterrence is the key. In light of the increasing military and security threat that Taiwan faces, developing asymmetric capabilities that involve enhanced military relations with friendly forces, well-trained military personnel in a modern force structure, and acquisition of necessary defense equipment are essential components of our deterrent strategy.
在國防事務上，我堅信，台灣要成為在區域安全中的可信頼的伙伴，適度投資於有效嚇阻是重要關鍵。面對日益增加的軍事安全威脅，台灣發展不對稱作戰能力，是嚇阻戰略的重要原素，具體做法包括和友好國家強化軍事合作關係，現代化軍隊的精良人員訓練，以及採購必要的防衛裝備。

The transition to a voluntary military force has its challenges. I am committed to securing the resources necessary to provide adequate training and education for the active and reserve forces, so that there is not only a high degree of professionalism among the services, but also a quality connection between their military service and job careers.
過渡到募兵制是一項挑戰，我有決心為現役及後備部隊提供必要的訓練和教育，不僅將使軍隊高度專業化，也讓服役和退役後的就業能夠良好銜接。

It is important that mil-to-mil relations with the U.S. continue to intensify in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act and mutual security interests in the region. Taiwan is and will continue to be a reliable partner of the U.S. in ensuring peace and stability in the region. We must work closely with our American friends, not only in deterring traditional threats and coercion, but also in jointly dealing with other non-traditional security threats, such as cyber-security.
基於台灣關係法和在區域安全的共同利益，持續強化台美軍事合作十分重要的。台灣應該繼續成為美國可信賴的夥伴，以確保區域的和平穩定，並共同因應如網路安全等其他非傳統性的安全威脅。

In addition to foreign acquisition of defense systems and platforms, I am committed to more investments in indigenous defense programs, including research and development, to meet our long-term defense need. These investments will eventually produce multiplied benefits in Taiwan's economy. It is investment in defense and economy at the same time, for the long haul.
除了對外採購武器系統及取得平台之外，我有決心在本土國防計劃上進行更多投資，包括研發的投入，以符合長期的國防需求。這些國防投資最終會對台灣經濟產生實際利益，長遠來說，這是同時對國防和經濟的投資。[註: 我們曾建議蔡英文，要向美國朝野表示，台灣人要努力從事國防建設，以便扮演好在美國的「重返亞太」的戰略中的關鍵角色。建州派一直提醒台灣人與台灣人的政權，要與美國人並肩作戰，以期未來能從戰敗者的身份轉為戰勝者或戰勝者的盟友的身份，以便在未來有資格參與台澎的最終處分，且是有利台灣人的處分。]

Relations with the U.S. and international participation 對美關係與國際參與

Taiwan and its people have a special political, security, economic, and cultural bond with the United States because of our shared values and shared interests. But, Taiwan should not take the relationship for granted. I will ensure that Taiwan works together with the U.S. to advance our common interests. Taiwan's international support can be obtained by making ourselves as a reliable partner and by having a proactive diplomatic agenda for peace.
基於共同價值與共同利益，台灣及台灣人民和美國之間在政治、安全、經濟與文化上一直存在特殊的的情誼。然而，台灣不能將這樣的關係視為理所當然。我將確保台灣與美國緊密合作，俾増進雙方的共同利益。台灣要在國際上獲得支持，就要讓自己成為可信賴的伙伴，並推動積極和平外交。

Under my watch, Taiwan will meaningfully participate and contribute, provided that it is not discriminated against, in international projects such as humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, medical assistance, and joint efforts in economic aide with backup support from our active NGO's. Taiwan has a modern rescue training center in central Taiwan; I would like to expand its operation so that it becomes an international training center. I will also seek to work closely with the U.S. on counter-terrorism, modeling on the Container Security Initiative and Mega Port Initiative and share this experience with any neighboring country.
在我的督導之下，只要不受到歧視，台灣將在國際事務上作出有意義的參與和貢獻，包括人道援助、災害救援、醫療協助，以及在經濟援助上的共同努力；台灣活躍的非政府組織可以作為後援力量。台灣中部有一個相當現代化的災害防救訓練中心，我將推動該中心擴大運作，作為國際的訓練中心。我也會以貨櫃安全倡議及大港倡議為模式，推動和美國的反恐合作，和區域中的所有國家分享經驗。

The former DPP Administration established the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy and the NGO Committee in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This is to advance our democratic value and meaningful participation in international affairs. Their work will be rejuvenated if we have a chance to return to office.
過去民進黨執政時，成立了台灣民主基金會，也在外交部中設立NGO委員會，推動民主價值與在國際事務上的有意義參與。如果民進黨再度執政，將重啟這兩單位的工作動力。

Making contributions, becoming a reliable partner will be the spirit of the new DPP administration in the pursuit of international participation.
民進黨再度執政後，在國際參與上所追求的精神，就是作出貢獻，並成為可信賴伙伴。

Cross-Strait 兩岸關係

I am also committed to a consistent, predictable, and sustainable relationship with China.
我承諾建立具一致性、可預測且可持續的兩岸關係。

Cross-strait relations must be considered in a long-term context. Since Taiwan's democratization, we have had three democratically elected presidents and a strong social will forged by numerous democracy movements. Freedom and democracy are values deeply ingrained in the hearts of the Taiwanese people. The president elected by the people of Taiwan represents all the people of Taiwan in conducting external affairs. Therefore the conduct of cross-strait policy must transcend the position of a political party and incorporate different views. A leader must take into account public consensus, when making decisions. We do have a broad consensus in Taiwan, that is, the maintenance of the status quo.
兩岸關係發展應有長遠的考量。民主化後的台灣，歷經三位民選總統的執政，以及多次民主運動所焠鍊出的強大社會意志，自由與民主的價值已深植台灣人民心中。由人民直選產生的總統，對外代表全體台灣人民。因此，推動兩岸政策必須超越政黨的主張，並包容不同的意見。領導人在決策時，必須考量社會的共識，而台灣內部已有了廣泛的共識，就是維持現狀。[註: 建州派曾向蔡英文建議，以「維持美國定義的台海現狀」做為她的對美政策、對中政策、對日政策及台海政策的核心。關於這個，我們已說了不少，今天不再贅述。]

I have articulated and reiterated my position of maintaining the status quo in the previous months, as I believe this serves the best interest of all parties concerned.
近月來，我已表達並多次重申對維持現狀的的立場，我堅信，這符合各方的最佳利益。

Therefore, if elected President, I will push for the peaceful and stable development of cross-strait relations in accordance with the will of the Taiwanese people and the existing ROC constitutional order.
因此，在當選總統之後，我將在中華民國現行憲政體制下，依循普遍民意，持續推動兩岸關係的和平穩定發展。

The two sides of the Taiwan Strait should treasure and secure the accumulated outcomes of more than twenty years of negotiations and exchanges. These accumulated outcomes will serve as the firm basis of my efforts to further the peaceful and stable development of cross-strait relations.
兩岸之間應該珍惜並維護二十多年來協商和交流互動所累積的成果。我將在這個堅實基礎上，持續推動兩岸關係的和平穩定發展。

I will push for legislation of the Cross-Strait Agreement Oversight Bill to establish a comprehensive set of rules for overseeing the cross-strait exchanges and negotiations. The cross-strait agreements which are currently under negotiation or legislative review will be re-examined and further negotiated according to the new rules.
我將推動完成「兩岸協議監督條例」立法，為兩岸持續交流協商，建立周全規範。仍在進行協商或審議的兩岸協議，也將依監督條例逐案檢視，繼續協商。

Last but most importantly, I will also strengthen our democratic institutions and uphold the right of the people to decide their future free of coercion. While I advocate for constructive exchanges and dialogues with China, I will ensure the process is democratic and transparent, and that the economic benefits are equitably shared.
最後也是最重要的，我將會強化民主機制，確保人民的未來選擇權。在推動兩岸建設性的交流與對話的同時，我會堅持過程須充分的民主與透明化，且利益由社會公平共享。[註: 我們曾向蔡英文建議，要提到「台灣前途應在未來，由兩千三百萬台灣人民透過自由意志來解決」。]

Conclusion-New Asian value is being crafted
結論-建立中的亞洲新價值

In conclusion, I would like to say this: Taiwan stands at the juncture of history and culture. When people in many Asian countries are still suffering from authoritarianism, we in Taiwan are immensely proud of our democracy and cherish our hard-earned social and political rights and individual freedom, together with the rise of civil society and freedom of choice.
台灣正站在歷史與文化的交會點。當還有許多亞洲國家人民仍在忍受威權統治，台灣已經為建立民主而感到相當自豪，我們珍惜努力爭取而來的社會政治權利及個人自由，以及隨之興起的公民社會和自由選擇權。

As Asia faces rising nationalism, irredentism, and threat of military conflict, we intend to engage in proactive peace diplomacy that fosters peace and stability with the spirit of giving and sharing.
當亞洲面臨民族主義、擴張主義、以及軍事衝突的日増威脅時，我們將會致力推動積極和平外交，以奉獻及分享的精神來締造區域的和平與穩定。

When globalization causes economic turbulence, brings unsustainable results in resources, and leaves great disparity and injustice, particularly to the younger generations, we in the DPP are ready to undertake a new model of economic development which aims at building a new economy based on innovation, employment, and distribution，as well as to implement a community-based social safety net to compliment the traditional family-based care systems. These will serve as an important basis for innovation, sustainability, distribution and social justice.
當全球化導致各地經濟混亂，造成資源的不可持續和違背公平正義的現象，尤其是對年輕世代，民進黨已經準備推動台灣經濟發展新模式，邁向以創新、就業及公平分配為基礎的新經濟，同時積極構建以社區為基礎的社會安全網，以補救傳統式家庭為主的照顧體系，作為創新、永續、分配與社會正義的重要基礎。

In summary, we are crafting a model of new Asian value in Taiwan to serve as an example and inspiration to others. With this new Asian value, we are ready to light up Taiwan, light up Asia.
總結而言，在打造亞洲新價值模式的過程中，台灣可以做為一個典範和鼓舞力量。我們將以此亞洲新價值，照亮台灣，照亮亞洲。

Thank you very much.
謝謝各位。

(以下是蔡英文與Dr. Kurt Campbell的對話)

THE Q&A...

Kurt Campbell: I am curious if you can report a little bit on the kinds of discussion and dialogue you and your team has had and will continue to have across the Taiwan Strait Are you satisfied with the discussions? Do you feel like you have a sense of how the Chinese government is viewing Taiwan? What do you see going forward?

Chairperson Tsai: Well, this is a very complex relationship we are faced with. We are not the only player in this relationship. We have China, we have the US., and we also have other countries in the region that all have an interest in a peaceful stable relationship in that part of the world.

So, we have the responsibility to contribute to a peaceful and stable relationship across the Taiwan Strait. I have said this several times and this has been our consistent position: we will have our efforts, we will have our goals, and this will serve the purposes for all the parties involved. A peaceful and stable relationship is the most important thing for Asia, for Taiwan, and for China as well. Asia is going to experience lots of challenges ahead. We need to have a stable relationship to concentrate on the challenges we are facing.

Campbell: In your speech, you had some very good words on how to perfect the democracy in Taiwan. I think the fact is that we all celebrate these open, free elections, and as you pointed out, we're heading into a set of circumstances in which we almost take them for granted. It's also the case not just in Taiwan, but in other countries in Asia, certain aspects of democracy are under enormous pressure. You see it in Thailand and some places in South East Asia. I am curious; you talk about strengthening your democracy. But I think it is undeniable that Taiwan is one of the most deeply divided societies in Asia. How will you recommend going about addressing some of these very profound divisions between the parties and the people in a way that leaves a little more unified Taiwan?

Tsai: The first and most important thing is that the government has to be prepared to be open and transparent in terms of the government policy that concerns the general public there. The public needs to be given an opportunity to participate in this democratic process as well. What is also important in a democratic society is the quality and the amount of NGOs in civil society. If you have enough NGOs, and good quality NGOs, they are very important tools in facilitating the conversation between government and the public.

Therefore, I will come up with a policy to encourage the establishment of these NGOs, so that they are in a position to act as a bridge between government and the public. They will serve as a communication channel too. In terms of social forces, I think that after the Sunflower Movement, there has been a rise of third forces in Taiwan. I tend to think that this is a good development, in the sense that the public awareness has been increased as a result and people want to participate in the decision making process for policies that affect their livelihoods and futures as well. I am of the expectation that the people in Taiwan nowadays are more ready.

Campbell: So this is your second time running for president. What did you take from your last campaign? What would you do differently; what will you do differently? And how has the political process changed just in the last few years?

Tsai: The environment today is very different from that in 2012, but despite the differences, I tend to think that we had a pretty decent campaign in 2011 and 2012. Primarily, this was because we ran a campaign with limited resources. We had a large number of people helping us in terms of making small donations and they came up and helped in whatever way they could.

I thought it was a pretty exciting campaign we had last time. But this time, of course, the situation is very different this time. We have had a longer period of time to get ourselves prepared and have better communication with our friends here and in other places so that our intentions will not be distorted or misunderstood. Therefore, I think in general terms, our communication with our friends, both outside and within the general public is much better. As a result, we are building the sort of trust we need when we run a government. So I think that this time, we stand a better chance to win.

Campbell: I am curious about your views on the role of gender in your politics and more generally. Sometimes woman candidates speak about their gender and particularly what it brings to the race. Sometimes they don't. I have reviewed your past discussions and speeches and you don't discuss it very much. A little bit. You talk about your policies, views etc. Tell me what you think it means to be a woman running for the president of Taiwan.

Tsai: Well, gender used to be a barrier of some sort for woman to overcome when they want to be in politics. But in today in Taiwan, the situation is somewhat different for a woman that wants to participate in the elections and get elected. I think in general terms, there is a preference for women candidates these days. Bot to the level of president, but in levels below that. If you have a woman candidate, especially one that is younger and better educated, you get an overwhelming preference from the voters.

But this time, the Taiwanese public has to face this test: whether they can accept a woman leader as president of this country. Of course, there are some people in Taiwan that are still rather traditional and they have some hesitation in considering a woman president. But among the younger generation, I think they are generally excited about the idea of having a woman leader. They think it is rather trendy. So there is a balance there. So if you ask me whether gender is advantageous or disadvantageous to my candidacy, I think it is okay. But for the Taiwanese people, they are faced with a serious test next year; this is whether we are advanced and civilized enough to accept a woman leader.

Campbell: You have spoken specifically about your approach to cross-strait relations and I'm sure we will have more questions and discussions about this later. I wonder whether you can say a few words about other countries. You can talk about China and the U.S., but Taiwan has relationships elsewhere as well. Which relationships are you looking to propose to build stronger dynamics or engagements with, either trade or political if you are elected, beyond the cross-strait relationship.

Tsai: I think the countries in Asia are all priorities. (Campbell: Are there any specific countries because Asia is quite big.) There is a lot of opportunity. We would like to explore these opportunities. Therefore, I would say that Japan is a country that has had a long-time relationship with us. The bilateral trade and flow of personal exchanges are increasing because we have a convenient way to travel between our two countries.

I am naming specific countries, but I'm running the risk of offending others.

The other group of countries we want to have a closer relationship with is ASEAN. This is because we want to have more trade with them and we also want to have new investment opportunities to explore there. The fact that we have lots of immigrants from South East Asia I think is our asset. This is because they will eventually help us establish a connection with ASEAN. I see lots of opportunities there and we look forward to exploring those opportunities as much as possible.

Campbell: Turning to the South China Sea. You have seen our Secretary of Defense was recently in Singapore for the Shangri-la Conference. He was quite specific about the American approach, which is the peaceful resolution of disputes in the area. Clearly, we are heading into a period where there is likely to be greater tension in the South China Sea. What is Taiwan's view on this? What is your goal?

Tsai: Perhaps I should remind you that are not Taiwan yet, we are still the opposition party.

But as far as our position is concerned, we should get ourselves prepared to work with all the parties involved that have interests in that part of the world. We are ready to talk to anybody and explore the possibilities. Most importantly, we will follow international law and UNCLOs. It is also important to make sure that the freedom of navigation will not be affected as a result of the conflicts amongst different countries in the region. I think that the best way to resolve conflicts of this kind is diplomacy and peacefully.

Campbell: You focus a lot in your speech on the concept of the status quo. There is probably no other relationship in the world where this concept of the status quo is so important. Do you believe in the current environment that the U.S., China, and Taiwan have roughly the same definition of what comprises the status quo

Tsai: I'm sure that China, the U.S., and us [the DPP] have different interpretations of that term. But I'm pretty sure that despite our differences in the interpretation of that term, we should all agree that maintaining a peaceful and stable relationship across the Taiwan Strait serves the interests of everybody. And whatever the interpretation of that term, this should be a part of that interpretation.

Campbell: You laid out a pretty ambitious domestic agenda as well. I think sometimes Americans focus on just one dimension of the relationship. You talk about transitioning, really transforming Taiwan, more towards an innovation society. I would be curious if you could just quickly lay out what do you think in terms of education and investment, what are the key features of a successive innovation-based economy.

Tsai: The business culture has to change. People think that failure is a bad thing. But I think that failure is not necessarily a bad thing. It is a good thing when you are trying to build a new company, a new industry, where you will inevitably be facing risks. Failure is a necessary thing to happen.

But in Asian countries, they don't take failure well. They think it is something they don't like and try to avoid. If they fail, they feel frustrated and think that it is something not positive. But this is something that is in the Asian culture. If you go to Silicon Valley and talk to the people there, they think that failure is a good thing. So the business culture needs to change.

The second thing is you need to change the infrastructure, particularly the legal infrastructure, because we have been a country that has been manufacturing industrial products for a long time - five or six decades. So our legal infrastructure was built in a time we were building a lot of industrial products. In an innovation-based economy, it is completely different and we will need to change the legal infrastructure to suit the needs of an innovation-based economy. This is a massive exercise and that is to have a comprehensive assessment of the legal infrastructure and to rebuilt something that suits an innovation-based economy.

Campbell: In any line of work, you will have people you look up to. When I was a diplomat, I had people I looked up to historically or in more recent times. As you look in your own political backyard, or around the world, give me a couple of examples of leaders that you say you really admire as a person and that you really like what they bring to the table.

Tsai: Well, many people will expect me to answer that question with Mrs. Thatcher. But I was reminded by many of our supporters that perhaps she is not the leader for us because she was a conservative leader and we are a democratic party. So I have to look for another one. So someone suggested Merkel, and yes, I like her a lot. She can be a model but we are also in a situation that is very different from Germany. As to whether she is a model I can follow, I should say yes. But there are others that are also not necessarily leaders, but women politicians I like a lot and have learned a lot from.

I will like to name this lady that is not considered as a political leader. But her professionalism in dealing with difficult issues have delighted me a lot, particularly in the 1980s. I am talking about Barshefsky. I never ask to take a pictures with anybody, but she just visited Taipei and I specifically asked for a picture from her. So I learned a lot from her.

There is another lady though, who you may know already. That is our Kaohsiung City Mayor Chen Chu. She has governed so well that she was earned everybody's respect in Taiwan. So I learned a lot from her too.

Campbell: You talk about the characteristics of political leaders. As you look across the Strait, we've had a couple of years to observe Xi Jinping. What do you see in him as a leader? Do you see him as a continuity or a different kind of Chinese leader. How do you interpret him and what do you see in terms of what he brings to China's present and future?

Tsai: I have to answer this question very carefully. Let me say this: I like the idea of this anti-corruption campaign. I admire his courage to do all this. To many observers, he seems to be rather rough and not that prepared to exercise flexibility. But as far as Taiwan is concerned, I think he is a Chinese leader that probably knows Taiwan better because of his experience as governor of Fujian Province. I hope he has a better understanding of the situation in Taiwan and also his understanding of Taiwan as a democracy. And he is in a position to exercise more flexibility.

「台灣建州運動」發起人周威霖
David C. Chou
Founder, Formosa Statehood Movement
(an organization devoted to making Taiwan a state of the United States)