關於「重返東亞」的大戰略、「海空一體作戰」的戰略、「福特號」超級航艦與美國國防部長Chuck Hagel裁減陸軍的計劃(下)

關於「重返東亞」的大戰略、「海空一體作戰」的戰略、「福特號」超級航艦與美國國防部長Chuck Hagel裁減陸軍的計劃(下)

[您可以跳過英文的部分]

五

「美國之音」日前在一項新聞報導中，提及美國的「亞太再平衡」大戰略，我們現在把它的英文與漢文內容張貼出來，供鄉親們參考，但我們只提供前一部分，後面五段從缺 。

「美國繼續推進亞太再平衡戰略」
「美國之音」首次發佈時間:1/27/2014

One of the main features of the global defense strategy laid out by President Barack Obama two years ago, shifting the U.S. military's focus from the Middle East to the Asia Pacific region, is meeting significant challenges from China and its rapidly developing military power.

But U.S. military officials say American dominance of the Asia Pacific is not diminishing.

Recent actions by China, including its imposition of an aircraft identification zone over the East China Sea and a near collision between Chinese and U.S. warships, show that dominance is being challenged.

The Obama administration, in its efforts to shift focus from wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to the Pacific, where China has been building up its forces, includes strategic placement of a new aircraft carrier and the development of hypersonic missile technology.

According to Admiral Samuel Locklear, commander of U.S. forces in the Pacific, interactions with Chinese forces in the region will only increase, and he is calling for a pragmatic approach that includes boosting military-to-military relations with China.

"We have to do better at being able to communicate with each other in a way that allows us to not lead to miscalculation that won't be productive in the security environment,” he said.
Defense analysts such Barry Pavel of the Washington-based Atlantic Council, a nonpartisan think tank that promotes constructive leadership and engagement in international affairs based on the central role of the Atlantic Community, question whether the shift in focus has actually meant a strengthening of forces in the Pacific.

“We have the deployment of 2,500 or so Marines to northern Australia that'll be there on a routine basis, not a very big nor significant deployment in my estimation," he said. "There's a couple of ships. I think they were littoral combat ships that were discussed as being home ported in Singapore, and then there really hasn't been anything else.”

The placing of a combat ship in Singapore is one of the visible signs of that refocus. The United States has announced the aircraft carrier USS Ronald Reagan is replacing the George Washington at Yokosuka in Japan - a one-for-one swap, but one the Navy says is an element of the rebalance.

U.S. officials are reviewing their military commitments to allies in the region and say they could add more ships, equipment and troops in the future.

With the U.S. military facing its biggest downsizing since the end of World War II, analysts say it remains to be seen how large any future military investment in the Pacific will be.

奧巴馬總統星期二晚上向國會發表國情咨文講話的時候，對外關係，特別是與亞太地區的關係，將是一個主要議題。兩年前，奧巴馬總統提出新的全球防禦戰略，其中一個要點是美軍把重點從中東轉移到亞太。正是在亞太地區，美軍受到了來自中國，特別是其迅速發展的軍事力量的挑戰。 

美國軍方官員說，美國在亞太地區的主導優勢並沒有減弱。

但最近中國的一系列行動，包括劃定東中國海防空識別區以及中美軍艦幾乎碰撞的事件表明，美國在該地區的主導地位正在受到挑戰。

奧巴馬政府正推行一套再平衡戰略，將戰略重心從伊拉克和阿富汗轉移到太平洋。中國已經在這一地區增強了軍事力量，包括這艘新航母，以及高超音速導彈技術的發展。

美軍太平洋司令部司令、海軍上將塞繆爾‧洛克利爾(Adm. Samuel Locklear)說，與中國軍隊在該地區的互動會越來越多，他呼籲以務實的方式處理問題，包括加強美中兩軍之間的聯繫。

“我們需要改善與對方交流的方式，以防止由於誤判而損害我們的安全環境。”

國防分析專家質疑這一重心轉移是否真的意味著加強美軍在太平洋的力量。華盛頓大西洋理事會的巴里‧帕維爾說：

“我們在澳大利亞北部有2500左右海軍陸戰隊的常規部署，但在我看來，這並不算是很大的部署。另外我們在新加坡水域有幾艘瀕海戰鬥艦。除此之外，真沒甚麼別的部署了。”

美國國防部長哈格爾去年在新加坡視察了一艘部署在那裡的瀕海戰鬥艦，這恐怕是美國重返亞洲的一個最明顯的標誌。

美國已宣佈用羅納德‧里根號航空母艦取代部署在日本橫須賀的喬治‧華盛頓號航空母艦，這充其量不過是一次換防，但海軍說這是再平衡的一部分。

美國官員正在審查華盛頓對亞太地區盟友的軍事承諾，並且說這些盟友可以在未來添加更多的軍艦、裝備和部隊。

美軍正面臨著自第二次世界大戰結束以來最大規模的縮減，分析家說，美國今後在太平洋地區的軍事投資會有多大，人們還得拭目以待。 

六

在歐巴馬第一任期時擔任國務院東亞事務助卿的Dr. Kurt Campbell[Lady Hillary Clinton若順利當選下一任總統，他可望成為副國務卿或國家安全副顧問或更高的職位]在隨國務卿Hillary Clinton離開國務院前，我們曾為文指出，歐巴馬行政團隊的「重返東亞」大戰略是由Dr. Campbell首先向國務卿Hillary Clinton提出，並由國務卿先在東南亞國家的會議中發出訊號。現在若干報導與訊息指出，在那時擔任國家安全會議的亞洲部資深主任的Daniel Russell也是這個大戰略的初期發動者，我們從他那時的老闆Tom Donilon過去有關此方面的若干重要談話可以加以印證。

2/20/2014，The Los Angeles Times有一則關於現在已轉任國務院東亞事務助卿的Daniel Russell[2014年8月上任]的報導[標題是“High Disciple of Combat Avoidance”]，這篇報導對他的生平、教育、背景、思想與哲學均加以著墨，

 外界因而能對他有進一步的了解，同時也對他在對「向東亞再平衡」大戰略的制訂所扮演的角色有更進一步的認識。Daniel Russell與Kurt Campbell一樣，都是日本通，Daniel還曾去日本拜師，學習合氣道，他愛上日本文化，還娶日本女子為妻。

為了讓鄉親們對美國的東亞政策、台海政策與對台政策有些了解，我們過去曾向大家介紹Kurt Campbell、David Shear(國務院東亞事務前副助卿，現在從駐越南大使轉任國防部主管亞太安全事務的助理部長，我們以後會特別介紹他)以及現任的東亞事務副助卿Kin Moy，我們今天則要介紹Russell助卿的政策談話加上Q & A中的談話。

Russell的談話強調歐巴馬團隊全方位執行與推動「向東亞再平衡」大戰略的承諾與決心。之所以得信誓旦旦，乃是因為"The Obama administration has faced criticism from some in Congress that it has been too accommodating to China and not strong enough in support of Japan." (歐巴馬團隊面對來自國會的批評，國會認為他們對中國太過於調適與軟弱，且對日本的支持不夠強。)

State’s Russel on U.S. Policy in East Asia and the Pacific[轉貼部分]
04 February 2014
FOREIGN PRESS CENTER BRIEFING WITH ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS DANIEL R. RUSSEL
TOPIC: U.S. POLICY IN THE EAST ASIA AND PACIFIC REGION FOR 2014
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 2014, 3:00 P.M. EST
THE WASHINGTON FOREIGN PRESS CENTER, WASHINGTON, D.C.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY RUSSEL: 

When I was here about six months ago, when I just began my current job in August, I outlined with you my priorities and how I saw our rebalance strategy moving forward. As we start the new year, I want to give you a sense of where I think we’re going. 2014 is well underway. It’s already been quite a busy year for me and for my colleagues, and it’ll continue to be busy for Secretary Kerry, for the President, for every one of us who is engaged on Asia Pacific affairs. We’re actively implementing our rebalance strategy over the next months, and you’ll see us hard at work on economic issues, on security, on environmental cooperation, strengthening our alliances and an active partnership with civil society, and in democratic development.

The U.S. is firmly committed to our engagement and our rebalance strategy in the Asia-Pacific region. We’re dedicating more diplomatic resources, more public diplomacy resources, more assistance resources to advance our objectives in the region, and to do so in a way that’s commensurate with the really comprehensive nature of our engagement.

We’re diversifying to ensure that we’ve got a good emphasis, a good focus, on the economic development issues, and that includes energy, it includes people-to-people exchanges, and importantly, it includes education, because prosperity and peace in the Asia-Pacific region mean opportunity for all Americans and for all the countries in the region.

On the economic front, the U.S. strongly believes that investing time, energy, mind share, and material in the Asia-Pacific region is a smart investment. That’s why we’re working so hard on initiatives, including the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), to support economic growth, to support jobs. President Obama framed the rebalance by emphasizing that the Asia Pacific is critical to achieving his highest priority of creating jobs and creating opportunity for the American people. And that’s why the economic pillar of the rebalance is so important to us. That’s why we’re working so hard on the centerpiece, the TPP, along with 11 other members, to conclude the negotiations. In aggregate, the TPP countries will make up something like 40-plus percent of global GDP, so this is really an agreement with global reach and global implications.

But our economic diplomacy, our economic engagement is far more than TPP. As I mentioned, it’s in areas like energy and the environment. That includes working on climate change, education, which I also mentioned, good governance, anti-corruption, health, and women’s economic empowerment, which is hugely important to the United States.

So from APEC to SelectUSA, from our trade delegations to the Entrepreneurship Summit that Secretary Kerry attended in Malaysia, our economic engagements are a really critical aspect of our rebalance strategy. And the Asia-Pacific continues to serve as an engine for global growth with active and intense U.S. involvement.

I mentioned environmental coordination and cooperation, which under Secretary Kerry have been a cornerstone of our efforts. He was recently in Vietnam, traveled on the Mekong. The U.S. has championed, with the five countries of the Mekong region, the Lower Mekong Initiative. We’re taking a regional approach to important cross-boundary issues, including water management and sustainable development.

We’re also working with important partners, including and especially China, on environmental controls, on ways to handle emissions, to promote conservation and the like through the U.S.-China Climate Change Working Group. Two of the world’s largest emitters, two of the world’s largest consumers of energy are working together to tackle these issues of global concern.

On the security front, we’re working to modernize our alliances and ensure that we can cooperate seamlessly with partners to respond to crises and contingencies. The response to Super Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines is a case in point. The short point is that a peaceful and stable Asia Pacific depends in large part, and has over the decades, on a credible U.S. security presence. And that in itself is essential to allow for the economic progress that I have just discussed.

Our people-to-people ties are also hugely important, and that’s why we’re working hard and closely with partners to develop vibrant and healthy civil society in the region, from cooperation with Burmese women leaders to the newly announced Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative. In terms of English-language teaching and promoting U.S. higher education, we’re working with partners in the region – and it’s a youthful region – to invest in our most important resource: our people.

I’m a diplomat, and my colleagues and I are in the people business. Every day, our embassies are out there meeting with host governments, working with nongovernment organizations and actors to move our rebalance forward. And through those engagements as well as through high-level engagement, we have direct contact with our partners, with our allies, and we work through tough issues that face all of us.

In December, I had the honor of traveling with Vice President Biden, for example, to Northeast Asia. That was a phenomenal opportunity, but only one example of an opportunity that we created to hold direct and high-level dialogue in important capitals on global and regional as well as bilateral issues of concern. Because of the timing of his visit in December, we had a lot to talk about and to work on in all three capitals with respect to the challenge presented by North Korea’s continued pursuit of nuclear weapons. Because of the timing, the Vice President was able to coordinate at a high level in terms of our reaction to China’s declaration of an air defense identification zone in the East China Sea. And we were able to articulate those concerns very candidly, very directly, and very constructively with the Chinese senior leaders and officials themselves.

I’d say more broadly that this was manifest in the Vice President’s trip; this is an issue that Secretary Kerry has engaged on, and this was one of the focuses of a recent visit by Deputy Secretary Burns, which I accompanied him on. The United States is concerned by a range of developments in the East China Sea and in the South China Sea, particularly actions that are unilateral, actions that are a provocative assertion of claims in non-diplomatic, non-legal ways. That kind of activity raises questions about commitment to the rule of law. It raises questions about long-term objectives of some of the countries in the region.

The United States as a global power, as a Pacific power, has a huge stake in ensuring that the Asia-Pacific region remains open. We want an inclusive region, we want a prosperous region, we want a region that respects international law. The maintenance of an open maritime regime based on the rule of law has been crucial to the development and the stability and the impressive economic growth of the region. And both here and globally, the U.S. has national interest in freedom of navigation, in unimpeded lawful commerce, in respect for international law and for peace on the high seas.

It matters to us, and we take a strong position that all maritime claims must accord with international customary law. This, as I mentioned, was a topic of discussion in my meetings as well as Deputy Secretary Burns’ recent meetings in Asia, along with the consultations that we held on the Korean Peninsula. Looking forward, you should expect to see more travel in 2014 by President Obama, by Secretary Kerry, by Secretaries Hagel and Pritzker and many other high-level officials and members of the Cabinet. They will go to Asia because the Asia-Pacific region matters so much to the United States.

Moreover, in the multilateral forums such as the ASEAN Regional Forum or the East Asia Summit, Pacific Islands Forum, and APEC, as well as in the bilateral engagements on the margins of those multilateral meetings, you will see again and again evidence of how powerfully the Obama Administration is committed to the Asia Pacific as a strategic component of our foreign policy and economic agenda.

My conviction and my experience is that our ongoing rebalance strategy that dates back to January of 2009 is broad, is deep, and encompasses not just regional security, but also, as I mentioned, economic prosperity, people-to-people ties. This is the subject of a very intense ongoing interagency collaboration within the U.S. Government, precisely because it is a strategic priority of the President, of the Administration, and of the nation.

We’re all in in Asia, and I’m all ready to take your questions. Thank you.

MODERATOR: Before we move to the questions, I just would like to remind you of a few things. Please do wait for the microphone. We are transcribing. We need you to have the microphone in front of you. Please identify yourself by name and outlet. And you can see there are many people in the room. We want to get to as many questions as possible. Please be concise and keep your questions to single part questions.

We will start here in the front.

QUESTION: Thank you very much, sir. My name is Tatsuya Mizumoto from Jiji Press, Japanese wire service. You mentioned about maritime issue. Now there is a rising concern that China is going to expand the ADIZ over to the South China Sea, and then China doesn’t deny it. Is this a concern for you? And then have you talked with your Chinese counterpart about this? And if China does expand it, how are you going to respond?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY RUSSEL: Thank you. Well, the Obama Administration responded very quickly in December when China announced its declaration of an ADIZ in the East China Sea. We made clear at the time – and we continue to reinforce the point – that we do not recognize that ADIZ. As we’ve said and as our actions demonstrated, the declaration doesn’t change in any way how the U.S. Government operates or how we conduct military operations in the region. We think, in honesty, that this was a move that is not consistent with regional stability. We consider this a move that raises tensions at a time when those tensions should be reduced. We see it as a move that increases, not decreases the risk of miscalculation or of confrontation or of accidents.

The announcement caused confusion. It threatens to interfere with freedom of overflight in international airspace and has raised questions about China’s intent and the manner in which it is dealing with its neighbors, particularly at a sensitive time and in sensitive areas. We have made clear that we urge China not to attempt to implement the ADIZ, and certainly not to replicate it in other sensitive areas, including and particularly in the South China Sea.

MODERATOR: Let me go – I’m going to go to the middle, and the sixth row back.

QUESTION: Thank you, Assistant Secretary. Thank you for coming here today. My name is Chi-Dong Lee. I am a Washington correspondent for South Korea’s Yonhap News Agency. Let me just ask you about President Barack Obama’s upcoming trip to Asia. I know you are not working at the White House anymore, but I think you are the top point man on Asia. So I think this is going to be kind of an appropriate question for you.

As you know, there is rampant media speculation about where he will visit, especially in Northeast Asia. Do you – what is the most important factor in deciding destinations in such a regional trip? More specifically, do you think President Obama will travel to both Korea and Japan this time, or he may be forced to choose one – just one because of his busy schedule? Thanks.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY RUSSEL: Thank you. Well, as you pointed out, I no longer work at the White House. And I think if I were to announce President Obama (inaudible), I would no longer work for the U.S. Government. (Laughter.) But suffice it to say that, as the National Security Advisor indicated when she gave a very important speech at Georgetown University, the President intends to travel to Asia in April. We’re also looking forward to annual multilateral meetings later in the year, specifically the APEC Leaders’ Summit, the East Asia Summit, and the G20. So I feel confident that there are multiple opportunities for President Obama to travel to Asia.

There’s no one consideration that goes into the formulation of his itinerary, nor is there a single consideration that goes into the scheduling of his hosting of foreign leaders. It’s really worth taking note of the fact that President Obama, even before I left the White House in July, hosted something like six Asian leaders in the Oval Office, in addition to the landmark meeting that he held with the president of China in California.

President Obama and, certainly, Secretary Kerry, who is never far from a telephone, finds ways to be in regular touch with partners and leaders in the Asia-Pacific region in multiple ways, including on the margins of other multilateral meetings. So there is an abundance of high-level dialogue. High-level dialogue is not the only, but it is one really critical factor in the ability of the United States to participate in the range of Asia Pacific strategy-making, diplomacy, economic policy, and the other issues of importance to us.

QUESTION: Hi. Weihua Chen, China Daily, and thank you for coming back to the Foreign Press Center. My question is about how confident you think the leaders of China, U.S., Japan are about this worst-case scenario in East China Sea will not happen, which (inaudible), especially from the U.S. side. And China basically shut the door on Prime Minister Abe, and Abe looks set to visit the Yasukuni Shrine again, probably this year. So what role U.S. can play to help dissolve these tensions? Thank you.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY RUSSEL: The starting point for responding to that question and these concerns, in my view, is the global economy. The global economy is so important and, frankly, so fragile that we can’t afford to have the world’s second and third largest economies at odds. We can’t afford to have Japan and China, let alone Japan, China, and Korea, working at cross-purposes.

As two leading economies and two leading democracies, Japan and Korea share a broad range of common interests. Those are shared values, shared interests, and I’m convinced that they serve as the foundation for long-term trust and long-term goodwill. And by the same token, Japan and China, as two major economies and two important partners in the Asia-Pacific region, can and must work together in their own strategic interests, in the best interests of their own citizens, and certainly in the best interests of the region.

The United States, along with each country in the region has a strong vested interest in lowering tensions and improved diplomatic relations, and in close cooperation in northeast Asia, and frankly, restraint, good judgment, and diplomacy, along with dialogue, are the essential ingredients for creating the kind of region and obtaining the benefits from the Asia-Pacific region that we all want.

There is an unfortunate spike in tensions in the region. It’s a matter of concern to all of us. In my own recent meetings in Tokyo and Beijing and Seoul, I had in depth and candid conversations with my colleagues, with my counterparts. These are complicated issues. There are multiple perspectives, but one thing is certain: None of these problems, none of these tensions can be solved by any one party alone. There is a role for every country in contributing to a virtuous cycle of improved relations. And frankly, we look to each of our friends and partners in the Asia-Pacific region to make a contribution to good relations and to good neighborliness.

QUESTION: Thank you very much. Just a follow-up question. My name is Xuejiao Wei from China Central Television. On February 4th, the Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe reiterated that the Article 96 should be revised. And also we know that he visited Yasukuni Shrine recently. So how do you see his recent behavior? Do you think he increased regional tensions?

And my second question is: As we know, the Japanese foreign minister is going to Washington, D.C., so he’s going to have a meeting with Kerry. And also there’s some experts say did Shinzo Abe – I mean, sent so many top officials from Japan want to seek for understanding. So what is your comments on that? Thank you so much.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY RUSSEL: Japan is a mature and stable democracy in which the voice of the people is the final word. Japan is a country that has over the years contributed significantly to stability and to peace and to economic development, not only in the Asia-Pacific region, but globally as well.

On the issue of specific decisions by the Japanese Government and in the Japanese system about their self-defense, we accept that those are decisions that can and must be made by the representatives of the Japanese public, and we accept also that the principle of collective self-defense is long-established.

What is important to remember is that the discussions in Japan and with Japan about how Japan can play a more active role in maintaining regional stability and regional security are taking place in the context of the U.S.-Japan alliance. And I have seen, even in the course of the last five years under the Obama Administration, tremendous progress being made in the U.S.-Japan alliance in terms of modernization, in terms of rationalization. And it’s my firm belief that this is heading in a positive direction.

At the same time, the region expects Japan to function as an influential diplomatic and political voice as a friend and as a partner. Good relations between Japan and all of its neighbors are essential. One element of those relations is Japan’s considerable ability to assist its neighbors in times of crisis, and the response by Japan to, for example, the supertyphoon Haiyan in the Philippines – which, by the way, was enabled by strong interoperability and close military-to-military cooperation with the United States – is an example of Japan paying back, paying forward to the region some of the benefits that Japan itself received when it was in distress in the aftermath of the tragic earthquake and tsunami of March 11th.

QUESTION: John Zang with CTI-TV of Taiwan. Welcome, Mr. Secretary. Despite your concerns, tension between Japan and China is still escalating. It is actually in the way of every objective the United States has for Asia. So what is it that you have said or you have done has not been so effective? What is it – what else can the United States do to be more effective to calm down the tension in the region to actually bring the two countries together for talks?

Another related issue – the U.S. has spoken against possible Chinese announcement of more ADIZ, particularly over South China Sea. Has China discussed with the United States whether or not it would make such an announcement? Thank you.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY RUSSEL: Although the U.S. doesn’t mediate issues such as the disputes and tensions between the Japanese and the Chinese governments, we, like others, have a strategic interest in the peaceful resolution through diplomatic means of those disputes and the reduction of tensions, including over maritime issues as well as over historical issues.

Our principal tool is diplomacy, and that includes high-level diplomacy. And we miss no opportunity to serve as a constructive partner in making our views known and restating our principles and in offering our advice and our good offices. More broadly, I believe that the sustained and robust engagement of the United States, our military presence, our treaty alliances, our active participation in multilateral organizations and efforts, our strong bilateral relations with all of the countries in the region, including China, including Japan, serve as an important stabilizing force.

No country benefits from tension. All countries have a common interest in cooperation between the world’s second and third largest economy. And the United States does and will continue to use our influence, our diplomacy, and common sense to continue to push forward in the direction of the kind of strategic cooperation that is going to make a big difference and a positive difference in the lives of all the citizens.

I won’t speak on behalf of the Chinese, nor will I share confidences, particularly with regard to the question of whether the Chinese may take further actions. But there can be no doubt in the minds of the Chinese leaders and decision makers that the U.S. is very sincere in our counsel against steps that threaten the status quo, threaten the stable environment that has been instrumental in the extraordinary development of the Chinese economy. The Chinese leaders have announced their ambitious plans for further reform and further economic development. We believe that good relations with China’s neighbors will contribute to their ability to fulfill those important objectives, objectives that we, as the United States, hope to see succeed.

QUESTION: Thank you very much. My name is Genie Nguyen with Voice of Vietnamese Americans. Thank you, Secretary. I’d like to move on to TPP and food, the nontraditional security of the region. Do we have any discussion to your counterpart in China regarding the fishing ban in the whole region? And also, regarding the TPP, where do we expect Vietnam to be as far as the conclusion of TPP, given the discussion of human rights right now? And especially you mentioned civil societies. There is a lot of movement regarding building up the civil societies in Vietnam, not the ones that being approved or put forth by the government. So is there any hope that we can get the support from you to work with the civil societies in Vietnam? In particular, the ones right now are in Geneva talking to the UN. Thank you very much.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY RUSSEL: Thank you. Good questions. The United States, along with many other countries in the region, have expressed concern by the reissuance or the promulgation by China of regulations – the so-called Hainan fishing regulations that purport to levy requirements on other countries’ operation and behavior in international waters and in disputed areas.

The critical point – I’ll say the two critical points here are as follows: First and foremost, the region and the world wants to see that China’s intentions, as it grows, are to participate in and contribute to the international system as a country that respects international norms, respects the rights of others, and accepts that rules, not coercion, must, at the end of the day, guide behavior.

The second key point is that territorial claims must be made on the basis of international law, not simply as sweeping declarations of jurisdiction. China should define its claims in a manner that is consistent with international – conventional international law, including and particularly the UN Law of the Sea. And fundamentally, this means that claims derived from recognized land features. No one can justifiably, in compliance with international law, simply assert the right to exercise control over great swaths of a sea.

And so on those bases, we have expressed our concern regarding these new regulations, as well as an incremental pattern of assertiveness that is cause for concern by China’s friends and by China’s neighbors.

With respect to TPP and to Vietnam – and I was a participant in the in-depth conversations that Secretary Kerry had with senior officials and leaders in Vietnam – I know my very dear friend Mike Froman is actively engaged in discussions with Vietnam also.

No country stands to gain more from the successful conclusion of TPP than Vietnam. But like all countries negotiating TPP, there are things that Vietnam simply will have to do. Now, I’m definitely not going to speak to the complex issues that are currently under negotiation. There are multiple chapters and there are a range of issues. But I will say two things.

Labor standards are a critical element of not only good governance and international behavior, but also of the TPP. And we have active and robust conversations with Vietnamese officials about that set of issues. Secondly, neither the U.S. nor – I believe, although I can’t speak for others – any of the 11 other members started down the path of these negotiations with any intention other than to be successful. We are committed to the successful conclusion of this landmark, comprehensive, inclusive, high-standard trade arrangement.

I know that my colleagues had a very good meeting recently in Singapore. I know they are talking about bringing the ministers together again in the very near term. I know from my personal experience working at the NSC the priority that President Obama places on our success in this area. We are convinced that this agreement is critical to creating jobs, to sustaining growth by promoting an open and a rules-based economic structure through the region.

台灣建州運動發起人周威霖
David C. Chou
Founder, Formosa Statehood Movement
(an organization devoted in current stage to making Taiwan a territorial commonwealth of the United States)