北京、老共與中國帝國主義者---世界的禍源與台海的亂源---成天擔心被「境外勢力」顏色革命或Regime Change，這基本上可以證明他們外強中乾，缺乏自信，深恐亡黨亡國在即
---以美國為首的自由與民主世界，若能把中國這隻惡龍「和平演變」，若能成功地對北京進行「政權改變」(regime change)，若能成功地馴化或改造中國帝國主義者，若能成功地讓中國成為「自由國際秩序」的responsible stakeholder，這將是曠世的豐功偉業，我們最大的prize以及我們對人類的最大貢獻。
---本文與「從尼克森主政的時期開始，華府基本上一路在扶植中國與北京的老共政權壯大，這是養虎貽患，愚不可及」一文的發表，都旨在呼應由白邦瑞(Michael Pillsbury)啟動的、最近一兩年來美國國安與戰略界不斷出現的、希望美國檢討與調整對中戰略的呼聲。
一
台灣建州運動於6/3/2015發表「從尼克森主政的時期開始，華府基本上一路在扶植中國與北京的老共政權壯大，這是養虎貽患，愚不可及」一文，我們在其中這麼說:
//建州派從去年起，就不斷主張與呼籲: 美國武裝力量(以海空及陸戰隊的武力為主)的主力必須配置在東線(在東線對中國採取攻勢，但在西線對俄羅斯採取守勢，在挾具有海空優勢兵力的對中國「海空一體作戰」迅速地取得勝利後，再以「陸空一體作戰」解決俄羅斯的威脅ˇ)，以阻止中國的擴張，並保護它的盟國與安全夥伴。 [6/17/2015加註: 「對中國採取攻勢」是指在東亞進行前進部署的美軍被置於隨時可以進入作戰的高度準備狀態，在共軍先對美軍或先對美國的盟國或安全夥伴發動攻擊後，美軍有能力對共軍迅速進行具有決定性的反擊。 ]
台灣建州運動的世界大戰略建築在兩個基本的認知或假設上:
第一: 沒有世界問題，只有中國問題。
第二: 沒有台灣問題，只有中國問題。
所以，我們認為:
第一: 只有對中國進行政權改變(regime change)，才能根本解決中共政權或信奉「大中國主義」的中國帝國主義者所建立的政權對「自由國際秩序」的創建者與保護者美國在世界的領導權的挑戰與破壞。 [倘若中共政權或信奉「大中國主義」的中國帝國主義者所建立的政權對「自由國際秩序」的創建者與保護者美國在世界的領導權的挑戰與破壞成功，不要說台灣會被併吞，整個亞太都將成為中國的勢力範圍，這樣的世界是野蠻與黑暗的世界，也絕不是您我想見到與生活的世界。 ]
第二: 只有對中國進行政權改變(regime change)，才能根本解決中共政權或信奉「大中國主義」的中國帝國主義者所建立的政權對台灣的安全、生存、發展、自由與民主的威脅與危害。 [到今天，台灣前途仍然無解，到今天，台灣人民仍然無法獲得完全的解放，到今天，台灣人仍然無法出頭天，這看起來應該不是台灣人的努力不夠，而是中國帝國主義者與老共的黑暗勢力太強大，而且看起來還會越來越強大與囂張，可能至少還會有一段時間是這樣。所以，台灣人應與美國及全世界的親台灣人的、護台的、正向的與光明的勢力緊密結合起來，以便儘速達成對中國進行政權改變的目標。只有主動出擊，並結合中國境內外真正要走民主及與西方共存共榮的道路的勢力，對中國進行regime change，才可望拿到一隻較好的key，來較好地解決台灣的出路。 ]
美國、台灣人、日本、民主國家、自由世界與中國週邊的各國人民現在必須下定決心，對已展露黷武的本質與擴張的野心的中共與中國展開有效的反制行動，要採取積極的防衛，以進行有效的嚇阻，同時要扶植中國境內與境外的真正民主力量，協助它們在中國進行regime change。 //
[6/17/2015加註: 美國在處理世界問題時，軍事準備足夠，但通常由於政治意志不足或無法持續，所以導致失敗。現在對付欲挑戰與取代美國的世界領導權的老共與中國帝國主義者，美國必須如同過去對付蘇維埃社會主義帝國一樣，要有持久的作戰意志，否則無法在中國對美發動的「百年溫戰」中獲勝。 ]
二
倫敦「金融時報」在5/27/2015刊登了一篇有關中國發表的國防白皮書(5/26/2015發表)的報導，其內容如下:
“China accuses US of stoking tensions in the South China Sea”
By Charles Clover in Beijing
The Financial Times/AFP
May 27, 2015
//The Chinese People's Liberation Army on Tuesday accused the US of stoking tensions in the South China Sea as it released a muscular new military doctrine envisaging far-flung combat operations.
At the launch of a security white paper, PLA spokesman Yang Yujun said unnamed “outside powers” were trying to “tarnish the Chinese military's reputation and create an atmosphere of exaggerated tension”.
“We cannot eliminate the possibility that this is to create excuses for the actions that certain countries may be planning to take,” said Colonel Yang. “This is not a new trick, and has been used many times in the past.”
International concerns have risen in recent months over China's accelerating efforts to create habitable islands on remote coral reefs in the South China Sea, mirroring efforts by neighbours including Vietnam, Taiwan and the Philippines intended to buttress maritime claims in the region.
In the past month, the US has stepped up surveillance flights over the Chinese construction projects. In one case, a P-8 Poseidon aircraft carried a camera crew from television network CNN, which broadcast radio warnings issued by the Chinese navy. The US is considering flying surveillance missions even closer to the islands, as well as sailing warships within a few miles of them, as part of a new, more robust US military posture in the area.
“I think in the past few weeks, it seems that suddenly there is a lot of uproar regarding this,” said Colonel Yang. “There has been a lot of hype surrounding this news. Is it because the South China Sea has shrunk and become more crowded?”
The war of words takes place against a broad rethink of China's defence policy, presented in the white paper on Tuesday.
“China's Military Strategy”, the eighth such white paper since 1998, emphasises the evolution of the country's security needs away from simple territorial defence towards an offensive capacity overseas.
The paper also highlighted information and propaganda as key strategic elements in the “winning of informationised local wars” — the same day as the PLA opened an account on Weibo, China's equivalent of Twitter.
Army operations would “continue to reorient from theatre defence to trans-theatre mobility”, according to the document, while the navy would shift its focus from “offshore waters defence” to “open-seas protection”. The air force, meanwhile, would shift focus from “territorial air defence” to “defence and offence”.
A new counter-terrorism law still under discussion would for the first time legalise the stationing of Chinese troops abroad without a UN mandate, seen as a precursor to military operations further afield.
While the white paper promised that China would never attack first, it also made clear that China perceived itself to be surrounded by threats. It described “new threats from hegemonism, power politics and neo-interventionism” as well as from terrorism, separatism, while insisting that “anti-China forces have never given up their attempt to instigate a “colour revolution” in the country.//(報導結束)
(Additional reporting by Ma Fangjing)
台灣建州運動要特別請台灣與台美鄉親注意最後那一段: While the white paper promised that China would never attack first, it also made clear that China perceived itself to be surrounded by threats. It described “new threats from hegemonism , power politics and neo-interventionism” as well as from terrorism, separatism, while insisting that “anti-China forces have never given up their attempt to instigate a “colour revolution” in the country. (雖然白皮書允諾中國將不先動手攻擊，但它也表明，中國認為它的周遭充滿威脅。白皮書描述，中國有來自霸權主義、強權政治以及新干涉主義的新威脅[註: 指來自美國及其盟友的威脅]，也受到恐怖主義[註: 指東土耳其斯坦復國運動]、分離主義[指圖博獨立或自治運動，香港獨立運動，還有與中國完全無關的台灣獨立建國運動]，同時也堅稱「反中國的勢力」始終都沒有放棄它們要在中國挑起一場「顏色革命」的企圖。)
可笑的老共對山頭林立、無法整合、力量很微弱、至今還不足以對北京政權形成致命的威脅、在西方世界的眼中尚未能成為取代老共政權的alternative的「境外敵對勢力」 (特別是流亡在美國的中國民運與維權人士)卻很神經過敏，也很忌諱，有亡黨亡國的恐懼，也因此，老共每年編列的「維穩」的預算竟比國防預算還高。
三
接下來我們請台灣與台美鄉親們來讀一篇報導:
《人民日報》整版發文猛批「顏色革命」
